（12）Dominic Sachsenmaier, “Global History and Critiques of Western Perspectives,” Comparative Education, vol. 42, no. 3, 2006, pp. 451-470. 中译本参见多米尼克·塞森麦尔：《全球史与西方史学视角批判》，刘新成主编：《全球史评论》第2辑，北京：中国社会科学出版社，2009年，第33-55页。早在1991年，已经有学者多希特（Nathan Douthit）撰文探讨全球史与全球意识的关联性。参见Nathan Douthit, “The Dialectical Commons of Western Civilization and Global/World History,” The History Teacher, vol. 24, no. 3, 1991, pp. 294-305. 但直到1998年，史学界对于什么是全球史，才有初步的讨论。当时对于全球化重要性的了解有限，原因之一在于来自于世界史学界本身认同上的混淆。他们所面对的是更为传统的国家取向，而全球史被视为是全球化的研究。因此，世界史家要不是倾向于忽略全球史，就是宣称这种研究已经涵盖在他们的成果中。参见Bruce Mazlish, “Comparing Global History to World History,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 28, no. 3（Winter 1998） pp. 385-395. 美国著名社会史家斯特恩也曾说过，对于史学而言，“全球化”这个词是相当新的概念，该词非历史学家所创，而是社会科学家与经济学家创造的。参见：Peter N. Stearns, Globalization in World History, London and New York: Routledge, 2010, pp. 1-3.
（13）Robert B. Marks, “World Environmental History: Nature, Modernity, and Power,” Radical History Review, vol. 107, 2010, pp. 209-224; Edmund Burke III and Kenneth Pomeranz, eds., The Environment and World History, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009.
（14）Donald Worster, “Environmentalism Goes Global,” Diplomatic History, vol. 32, no. 4, 2008, pp. 639-641; J. Donald Hughes, What Is Environmental History, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006, pp. 77-93; Joachim Radkau, Nature and Power: A Global History of the Environment, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008; I. G. Simmons, Global Environmental History, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press Ltd., 2008.
（15）类似的环境史书籍可见Felipe Fernndez-Armesto, Civilizations: Culture, Ambition, and the Transformation of Nature, London: Pan Books, 2001.
（16）中译本参见约翰·R. 麦克尼尔、威廉·H. 麦克尼尔：《人类之网：鸟瞰世界历史》。
（17）Felipe Fernndez-Armesto, Civilizations: Culture, Ambition, and the Transformation of Nature.
（18）Edmund Burke III and Kenneth Pomeranz, eds., The Environment and World History.
（19）J. R. McNeill近来延续过往的环境史研究的疾病课题，将焦点集中于帝国与环境的互动。J. R. McNeill, Mosquito Empires: Ecology and War in the Greater Caribbean, 1620-1914, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
（20）R. Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997; Andre Gunder Frank, Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age, London: University of California Press, 1998.
（21）Peter N. Stearns, “Social History and World History: Prospects for Collaboration,” Journal of World History, vol. 18, no. 1（2007）， pp. 43-52; Peter N. Stearns, “Social History and World History: Toward Greater Interaction,” World History Connected, vol. 2, no. 2（2005）。
（22）Kenneth Pomeranz, “Social History and World History: From Daily Life to Patterns of Change,” Journal of World History, vol. 18, no. 1, 2007, pp. 69-98.
（23）Giulia Calvi, “Global Trends: Gender Studies in Europe and the U. S.” European History Quarterly, vol. 40, no. 4, 2010, pp. 641-655.
（24）Mary E. Frederickson, “Going Global: New Trajectories in U. S. Women‘s History,” The History Teacher, vol. 43, no. 2, 2010, pp. 169-189.
（25）Timothy Brook, Vermeer’s Hat: The Seventeenth Century and the Dawn of the Global World, New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2008.
（26）Tonio Andrade, “A Chinese Farmer, Two African Boys, and a Warlord: Toward a Global Microhistory,” Journal of World History, vol. 21, no. 4, 2010, pp. 573-591.
（27）Jonathan Spence, The Question of Hu, New York: Vintage Books, 1989; Linda Colley, The Ordeal of Elizabeth Marsh: A Woman in World History, New York: Happer Collins, 2007; Natalie Zemon Davis, Trickster Travels: A Sixteenth-Century Muslim between Worlds, New York: Hill and Wang, 2006.
（28）Rosemarie Zagarri, “The Significance of the ‘Global Turn’ for the Early American Republic,” Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 32, no. 1（Spring 2011）， p. 7.
（29）Lynn Hunt, “The French Revolution in Global Context,” in David Armitage and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., The Age of Revolutions in Global Context, c. 1760-1840, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, p. 34.
台湾东华大学历史系副教授
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