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全球视野下近代欧洲史的断裂与延续:论历史、历史学与史学史分期问题(4)

现在扼要说说要求我评论的史学史。没有什么可说的。1990年是一个标志性的转折点。此前大量缺乏的相对跨民族的内容已经引入了。大多数这类历史著作仍旧是以西方中心的,只有最近才有历史学的全球方法。(48)
    最后我要做一下自我批评:我把历史学严格界定于历史写作,但大量历史已经通过其他媒介呈现出来了,我这里未加考虑。
    译者张文涛,中国社会科学院世界历史研究所研究人员。
    注释:
    ①Ivan Elenkov and Daniela Koleva,“Historiography in Bulgaria after the Fall of Communism.Did the Change happen?,” Historein,vol.4(2003-2004),183-198; Antonis Liakos,“Modern Greek Historiography(1974-2000)。The Era of Transition from Dictatorship to Democracy” in:Ulf Brunnbauer,ed.,(Re) Writing History:Historiography in Southeast Europe after Socialism(2003),351-378.
    ②On Poland and Hungrary,see Georg G.Iggers,Q.Edward Wang,and Supriya Mukherjee,A Global History of Modern Historiography(Harlow,England,2008),267.
    ③English:London,1985.
    ④“Representations et attitudes a l'egard de la propriete pendant le Haut Moye Age,” Annales.Economies.Societes.Civilisations,27(1972),523-48 and later his The Origins of European Individualism(English:Oxford,1995); still in the Soviet Union,Medieval Popular Culture:Problems of Belief and Perception(English:New York,1988)。On Medieval Studies in the Soviet Union,see Yuri Bessmertny,“August 1991 as Seen by a Moscow Historian,or the Fate of Medieval Studies in the Soviet Era,” American Historical Reviews,97(1992),803-816.
    ⑤Georg G.Iggers,ed.,Ein anderer historischer Blick:Beipiele ostdeutscher Sozialgeschichte(Frankfurt a/M.1991)。
    ⑥See Liakos,n.1.
    ⑦Bernd Faulenbach,Die Ideologie des deutschen Weges(Munchen,1980); also Georg G.Iggers,The German Conception of History:The National Tradition of Historical Thought from Herder to the Present(Middletown,CT,1968)。
    ⑧See Iggers,German Conception; also Iggers,“The Intellectual Foundations of Nineteen-Century Professional Historical Scholarship” to appear in Daniel Woolf,ed.,Oxford History of Historical Writing vol.4(Oxford,2010)。
    ⑨See Iggers,“Intellectual Foundations; ” see also Ranke's inaugural address on becoming a full professor 1836 “Uber die Verwandschaft und den Unterschied zwischen der Historie und der Politik,” Samtliche Werke,vol.24,280-293.
    ⑩Effi Gazi,Scientific National History:The Greek Case in Comparative Perspective(1850-1920)(New York,2000)。
    (11)Hayden V.White,Metahistory:The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe(Baltimore,1973); Tropical Discourse:Essays in Cultural History(Baltimore,1978); and Content of the Form:Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation(Baltimore,1987)。
    (12)Saul Friedlander,Probing the Limits of Representation:Nazism and the Final Solution(Cambridge,MA,1992)。
    (13)See Global History of Modern Historiography.
    (14)Benjamin A.Elman,From Philosophy to Philology:Intellectual and Social Aspects of Change in Late Imperial China,rev.ed.(Los Angeles,2000); Q.Edward Wang,“The Rise of Modern Historical Consciousness:A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Eighteenth-Century East Asia and Europe,”Journal of Ecumenical Studies,40(2003),74-95.
    (15)Jphann Gustav Droysen,“Art and Method”in Fritz Stern,ed.The Varieties of History(New York 1956),137-144; also Droysen,“Erhebung der Geschichte zum Rang einer Wissenschaft” in Droysen,Historik:historisch-kritische Ausgabe,ed.Peter Leyh,vol.l(Stuttgart,1977),451-469.
    (16)See Iggers,“Intellectual Foundations.”

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