二十世纪三十年代美国南方黑人和“塔斯克基研究”(6)
http://www.newdu.com 2024/11/27 05:11:55 《中国社会科学》2014年 黄文龄 参加讨论
注释： ①Jean Heller, "Syphilis Victims in U.S. Study Went Untreated for 40 Years: Syphilis Victims Got No Therapy," New York Times, July 26, 1972, pp. 1, 8. ②该案从未开庭，1974年12月实现庭外和解。联邦政府同意赔付一千万美元作为补偿金，参加实验组且仍幸存者，每人获得37500美元；实验组每位参与者的遗眷获得15000美元；控制组的当事者每人获得16000美元；控制组的遗眷获得5000美元。除金钱补偿外，相关医疗费用和丧葬费也由政府负责。 ③Fred D. Gray, The Tuskegee Syphilis Study: The Real Story and Beyond, Montgomery, AL.: New South Books, 1998, pp. 80-99. ④Fred D. Gray, The Tuskegee Syphilis Study: The Real Story and Beyond. ⑤James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, New York: Free Press, 1993,p. 14. ⑥Susan L. Smith, "Neither Victim nor Villain: Eunice Rivers and Public Health Work," in Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000, pp. 348-364. ⑦Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study; Susan M. Reverby, Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009, pp. 5, 187, 203. ⑧Deadly Deception Interview—Dr. Jay Katz, Box 5, Folder 18, Nova—Tuskegee SR 47, 48, Dr. Jay Katz Interview, in D. Chandler, C. Ferguson and A. Williams, eds., Papers of the USPHS Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male in Macon County, Alabama(以下简称为USPHS-TU), pp. 9-10. ⑨Deadly Deception Interview—Dr. Sencer, Box 5, Folder 20, Nova—Tuskegee SR 51, 52, Dr. Sencer Interview w/Strait, USPHS-TU, pp. 2, 3, 4, 22; James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p. 219. ⑩M33-23-Report on Macon County Demo(By Charles S. Johnson),in Tuskegee Syphilis Study Ad Hoc Advisory Panel, Documents on the Origin and Development of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, 1921-1973(以下简称为TSSAAP), Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 37, U. S. National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, Maryland. (11)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.54. (12)密西西比州瓦赛尔曼调查是公共卫生署针对密西西比州的得雷塔和潘恩土地公司(Delta and Pine Land Company, Bolivar County)2000名黑人员工进行的梅毒测试。测试结果表明，四分之一的受测者罹患梅毒。 (13)M33-9-Letters, Michael M. Davis to Cumming on Authority of Funds for VD Control Projects & Letter of Response(November 30, 1929),TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 17. (14)M17-5-Investment in People—The Story of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, Chap. 5, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 70, p.108. (15)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.59; M12-4-Gill, Syphilis in the Rural Negro-Results of a Study in Alabama, 1931, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2，Folder 65.六个实验地分别为：Scott County, Mississippi; Tipton County, Tennessee; Glynn County, Georgia; Macon County, Alabama; Pitt County, North Carolina; Albemarle County, Virginia.其中只有梅肯县的计划没有受到罗氏基金会停止奥援的影响，继续进行达40年之久。 (16)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.67. (17)Wyndham D. Miles, ed., Wyndham Miles NIH Oral History Collection, Box 3, Folder 18-19, John Heller, NCI(transcript), October 26, 1964,p.6. (18)"H. L. Harris's Memo to Michael M. Davis," May 13, 1930, United States Public Health Service Division of Venereal Diseases, Records Group 90(1918-1936), National Archives, Washington National Record Center, Suitland, MD(以下简称USPHSNA),Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County; M33-6-Memo & Attachments from H. L. Harris 1930, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 21. (19)"H. L. Harris's Memo to Michael M. Davis," May 13, 1930, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County. (20)"Oliver Clarence Wenger to T. Clark," May 17, 1930, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder2, Macon County. (21)"H. L. Harris's Memo to Michael M. Davis," October 1, 1931, USPHS-NA. (22)Charles S. Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934. (23)M33-12-Letters, T. Clark to Michael M. Davis, Michael M. Davis to Rosenwald, 1930, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 22; M33-14-Letters, Clark to Michael M. Davis on Estimates for the Continuation of Syphilis Control Projects in Alabama, Miss., etc., 1932-1933, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 33; Michael M. Davis to Dr. Cumming, 1934, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 34; M33-11-Letters, T. Clark to Michael M. Davis on Cooperative Syphilis Control Demonstration, Enclosure Field Form, 1939, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2，Folder 35.克拉克对董事会的决定表示失望，曾经私下劝说戴维斯缩减罗氏基金会对教育的补助，转而支持医疗照顾相关计划。 (24)Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, p. 99; M12-2-Oliver Clarence Wenger & Ricks, The Public Health Aspects of Syphilis in the Negro Race in Certain Southern States, 1931, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box2, Folder 64. (25)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to T. Clark," April 8, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder2, Macon County. (26)Molly Ladd-Taylor, Mother-Work: Women, Child Welfare, and the State, 1890-1930, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994, p. 2. (27)Margaret Humphreys, Yellow Fever and the South, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1992; John Duffy, "Social Impact of Disease in the Late 19th Century," in Judith W. Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, eds., Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985, pp. 414-421; John H. Ellis, Yellow Fever and Public Health in the New South, Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1992, p. 166; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth Century South, Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987; Eugene Kinckle Jones, "The Negro's Struggle for Health," in National Conference of Social Work, ed., Proceedings of the National Conference of Social Work, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923, p. 72; Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995, p.35. (28)Thomas Parran, Shadow on the Land: Syphilis, New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1937,p.83. (29)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.64. (30)M25-16-Discussion of Treatment of Late Syphilis, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder39.根据该数据显示，1930年4月1日至1931年8月31日，使用新砷凡纳明共5588颗，含水银药剂共74271剂，其他相关治疗擦剂有9000多支。 (31)Charles S. Johnson, Shadow o f the Plantation, pp. 202-205. (32)Deadly Deception Interview—Herman Shaw, Box 5, Folder 19, Nova—Tuskegee SR17, Herman Shaw Interview, USPHS-TU, pp. 36-38. (33)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p. 66. (34)W. E. B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study, New York: Schocken Books, 1967, pp. 113-114, 162. (35)Barbara Bates, Bargaining for Life: Social History of Tuberculosis, 1876-1938, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992, p. 293. (36)Barbara Bates, Bargaining for Life: Social History of Tuberculosis, 1876-1938;Sheila M. Rothman, Living in the Shadow of Death: Tuberculosis and the Social Experience of Illness in American History, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995; Georgina D. Feldberg, Disease and Class: Tuberculosis and the Shaping of Modern North American Society, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1995, p. 292. (37)Susan M. Reverby, Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy, p.33. (38)Eugene P. Link, "The Civic Rights Activities of Three Great Negro Physicians(1840-1940),"Journal of Negro History, vol. 52, no.3(July 1969), p.177; Vanessa Northington Gamble, "Under the Shadow of Tuskegee: African Americans and Health Care," in Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, pp. 432-433;Gladys-Marie Fry, Night Riders in Black Folk History, Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984, p. 171. (39)D. C. Humphrey, "Dissection and Discrimination: The Social Origins of Cadavers in America, 1760-1915," Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, vol.49, no. 9, 1973, pp. 822-823. (40)Stewart Culin, "Concerning Negro Sorcery in the United States," Journal of American Folklore, vol.3, no.11,(October-December 1890), p.285. (41)Deadly Deception Interview—Stanley Schuman, Box 5, Folder 17, Nova—Tuskegee SR32, Stanley Schuman Interview, USPHS-TU, p. 30; Deadly Deception Interview—Herman Shaw, Box 5, Folder 19, Nova—Tuskegee SR 17, Herman Shaw Interview, USPHS-TU, pp. 10-11. (42)Thomas Parran, Shadow on the Land: Syphilis, pp. 164-165. (43)Thomas Monroe Campbell, The Movable School Goes to the Negro Farmer, New York: Arno Press, 1969, pp. 118, 121, 126, 145; Hildrus A. Poindexter, "Special Health Problems of Negroes in Rural Areas," Journal of Negro Education, vol. 6, no. 3(July 1937), pp. 400, 403, 412. (44)Ruth Edmonds Hill, ed., The Black Women Oral History Project, vol. 10, Eunice Rivers Laurie, Interview, Westport, CT: Meckler, 1991, p. 234. (45)T. Clark, The Control of Syphilis in Southern Rural Areas: A Study, Chicago: Julius Rosenwald Fund, 1932, pp. 24-26, 36. (46)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to T. Clark," January 28, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County. (47)Charles S. Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation, p. 202. (48)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, pp. 5-6. (49)Deadly Deception Interview—Charles Pollard, Box 5, Folder 15, Nova—Tuskegee SR8, Charles Pollard Interview, USPHS-TU, pp. 4-5,6. (50)"R. A. Vonderlehr to Taliaferro Clark," April 8, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder2, Macon County. (51)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to T. Clark," January 28, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County; "Raymond A. Vonderlehr to T. Clark," January 22, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County. (52)"‘Patient X,’ Auburn, Alabama, to the PHS," June 4,1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 3, Macon County; "Raymond A. Vonderlehr to Patient X," June 7,1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 3, Macon County. (53)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to John R. Heller, Jr.," February 13, 1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 4, Macon County. (54)"Norris to Russell," March 18, 1938, Box 7, Folder General Correspondence 1937 and 1938, CDC-GA, in Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, p.58. (55)原为琼斯访问芮佛丝的录音资料，琼斯并没有公开该项资料。引自James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.165. (56)医生苏曼在口述历史中表示并不记得有任何个案因为得了坏血病而要求治疗。黑人关切坏血病是他们认为坏血病可能造成性无能，而非担心坏血病对生命的威胁。他们相信透过补充铁剂有助于增加性能力，所以他们期望透过验血获得铁剂。Deadly Deception Interview—Herman Shaw, Box 5, Folder 19, Nova—Tuskegee SR 17, Herman Shaw Interview, USPHS-TU, p.36; Deadly Deception Interview—Charles Pollard, Box 5, Folder15, Nova—Tuskegee SR 8, Charles Pollard Interview, USPHS-TU, p.4. (57)在公共卫生署的医生、塔斯克基的卫生官员和州县的地方卫生官员的信件往返中都可以看出，即使是非常有限的情况下，在这个计划进行的第一年，或多或少都有提供治疗。可参考James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment; USPHSNA档案. (58)Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950, p.112; Susan L. Smith, "Neither Victim nor Villain: Eunice Rivers and Public Health Work," pp. 348-364. (59)Susan M. Reverby, Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy, p.116. (60)Thomas W. Murrell, "Syphilis in the Negro: Its Bearing on the Race Problem," American Journal of Dermatology and Genito-Urinary Diseases, vol. 10(August1906), p. 307. (61)James T. Wooten, "Survivor of '32 Syphilis Study Recalls a Diagnosis," New York Times, July 27, 1972, p.18. (62)Deadly Deception Interview—Charles Pollard, Box 5, Folder 15, Nova—Tuskegee SR8，Charles Pollard Interview, USPHS-TU, pp. 10-11, 22, 27.根据萧敖记忆所及，检查的项目有眼科检查、血压、抽血，他并没有到过医院进行检查，约每四年一次。最后一次例行性的检查包括牙齿、眼睛、神经系统和骨骼。 (63)M33-23-Report on Macon County Demo(By Charles S. Johnson), TSSAAP, SeriesⅢ, Box 2，Folder 37. (64)Charles S. Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation, pp. 201-203. (65)Harold Edgar, "Outside the Community," Hastings Center Report, vol. 22, no. 6(November/December 1992), pp. 32-35. (66)Austin V. Deibert and Martha C. Bruyere, "Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro: Ⅲ. Evidence of Cardiovascular Abnormalities and Other Forms of Morbidity," Journal of Venereal Disease Information, vol.27(December 1946), p. 303; Pasquale J. Pesare, Theodore J. Bauer and Geraldine A. Gleeson, "Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro: Observation of Abnormalities Over Sixteen Years," American Journal of Syphilis, Gonorrhea, and Venereal Diseases, vol. 34, no. 3(May 1950), pp. 201-213; Stanley H. Schuman et al., "Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro: Background and Current Status of Patients in the Tuskegee Study," Journal of Chronic Diseases, vol. 2, no. 5(November 1955), p. 544. (67)Stanley H. Schuman et al., "Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro: Background and Current Status of Patients in the Tuskegee Study," pp. 546-547. (68)M59-4 Transcript of Proceedings—DHEW, Office of the Secretary—Charge One Subcommittee—Tuskegee Study Ad Hoc Advisory Panel(interviews), February 3, 1973, TSSAAP, Series Ⅱ, Box 2, Folder 14∶67, 108-109. (69)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p. 100. (70)M33-5-Memo, T. Clark to Dr. Michael M. Davis on Oliver Clarence Wenger's Interview with Dr. Moton, 1930, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 20; Susan M. Reverby, Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy, p. 97; Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment," in Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, p. 24. (71)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.208. (72)"H. S. Cumming to Dr. R. R. Moton," September 20, 1932, in Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, p. 77. (73)M33-5-Memo, T. Clark to Dr. Michael M. Davis on Oliver Clarence Wenger's Interview with Dr. R. R. Moton, 1930, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 20. (74)James Goodman, Stories of Scottsboro, New York: Vintage Books, 1995,p.264. (75)M59-4-Transcript of Proceedings—DHEW, Office of the Secretary—Charge One Subcommittee—Tuskegee Study Ad Hoc Advisory Panel(interviews), February 3, 1973, TSSAAP, Series Ⅱ, Box 2, Folder 14, p.32; "H. S. Cumming to Doctor R. R. Moton," September 20, 1932, TSSAAP, Series Ⅱ, Box 1, Folder 42; "Eugene H. Dibble, Jr. to R. R. Moton," September 20, 1932, TSSAAP, Series Ⅱ, Box 1, Folder 42. (76)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, pp. 74, 76. (77)Herbert M. Morais, The History of the Negro in Medicine, New York: Publishers, 1968, pp. 98-101.以“全国医学会”(National Medical Association)为例，他们就是因为白人医学组织“美国医学会”(American Medical Association)拒绝黑人参与之后，自行组织成立了这个完全由黑人成员构成的医学学会。 (78)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to Jerome J. Peters," February 27, 1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 4, Macon County; "Raymond A. Vonderlehr to Joseph Earle Moore," February 27, 1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 4,Macon County; "Joseph Earle Moore to Raymond A. Vonderlehr," February 28, 1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 4, Macon County; "Jerome J. Peters to Raymond A. Vonderlehr," March 4,1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 4, Macon County. (79)"Oliver Clarence Wenger to Raymond A. Vonderlehr," August 5,1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 3, Macon County. (80)M59-4-Transcript of Proceedings—DHEW, Office of the Secretary—Charge One Subcommittee—Tuskegee Study Ad Hoc Advisory Panel(interviews), February 23, 1973, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2，Folder 14, pp.8, 20-21.但威廉士显然对于“塔斯克基计划”的真相并不知情，1973年他在听证会上指称他认为这是一个服务团队，协助该地区的人民，“我们根本不知道这是一个研究计划”(p. 25)。 (81)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, pp. 74, 76, 102, 281-282; E. Gurney Clark and Niels Danbolt, "The Oslo Study of the Natural History of Untreated Syphilis," Journal of Chronic Disease, vol.2, no.3(September 1955), p.343. (82)Deadly Deception Interview—Dr. Vanessa Gamble, Nova—Tuskegee SR 34-37, Dr. Vanessa Gamble Interview, Box 5, Folder 7, USPHS-TU, p.25. (83)“黑人健康周”原是弗吉尼亚州理奇蒙黑人社(Negro Organization Society of Richmond, Virginia)在1913年首先倡议的，每年春天选定一周进行全小区大扫除，每户黑人家庭都要清洁自家及周围环境。华盛顿将这个理念扩大为“黑人健康周”，并与清洁运动、提供健康与卫生相关课程、免费健康检查等活动相结合。 (84)Michael E. Teller, The Tuberculosis Movement: A Public Health Campaign in the Progressive Era, New York: Greenwood Press, 1988, p. 53. (85)Louis R. Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, 1901-1915, New York: Oxford University Press, 1983, pp. 425, 427. (86)Booker T. Washington, "The Standard Printed Version of the Atlanta Exposition Address, Atlanta, September 18, 1895," in Louis R. Harlan, ed., The Booker T. Washington Papers, vol.3, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1974, pp. 583-587;Louis R. Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Making of a Black Leader, 1856-1901, New York: Oxford University Press, 1972, pp. 216-219. (87)Booker T. Washington, Up from Slavery, New York: Oxford University Press, 1995, p.154. (88)Robert J. Norrell, Reaping the Whirlwind: The Civil Rights Movement in Tuskegee, New York: Vintage Books, 1985, pp. 25-26. (89)Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950, p. 46. (90)Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950, p. 102; Thomas Monroe Campbell, The Movable School Goes to the Negro Farmer, pp. 110, 153. (91)Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950, p. 41. (92)Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950, p. 46. (93)Grace Lee Boggs, "The Black Revolution in America," in Toni Cade, ed., The Black Woman: An Anthology, New York: New American Library, 1970, p. 213. (94)Karen Grigsby Bates, "Is It Genocide?" Essence, vol.21, no.5(September 1990), p. 76. (95)M25-18-Results of Rosenwald Demonstrations, 1935, TSSAAP, Series III, Box 2, Folder 41. (责任编辑：admin) |