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①关于此可参见Paul Edward Gottfried,Leo Strauss and the Conservative Movement in America:A Critical Appraisal,New York:Cambridge University Press,2012. ②已有的研究有：Victor Gourevith,"Philosophy and Politics," I & II,The Review of Metaphysics,Vol.22,No.1(Sep.,1968),pp.58-84 and Vol.22,No.2(Dec.,1968)pp.281-328; Christopher Bruell,"Strauss on Xenophon's Socrates," The Political Reviewer,Vol.14(1984)pp.263-318;彭磊对中译本施特劳斯的《色诺芬的苏格拉底》(高诺英译)的书评《施特劳斯与色诺芬》(《中国图书评论》，2010/10，第62-67页)；Louis-André Dorion,"The Straussian Exegesis of Xenophon:The Paradigmatic Case of Memorabilia IV.4",Xenophon,Vivienne Gray ed.,Oxford University Press,2010,pp.283-323; David M.Johnson,"Strauss on Xenophon",Xenophon:Ethical Principles and Historical Enquiry,Fiona Hobden and Christopher Tuplin eds.,Leiden and Boston:Brill,2012,pp.123-160; Timothy W.Burns ed.,Brill's Companion to Leo Strauss' Writings on Classical Political Thought,Leiden:Brill,2015,Part 4. ③Leo Strauss,"The Mutual Influence of Theology and Philosophy",The Independent Journal of Philosophy,Vol.3(1979)pp.111-118; Leora Batnitzky,"Leo Strauss and the ‘Theological-Political Predicament'",The Cambridge Companion to Leo Strauss,Steven B.Smith ed.,Cambridge University Press,pp.41-62; Leo Strauss,Natural Rights and History,The University of Chicago Press,1965,II and IV. ④Leo Strauss,"The Crisis of Our Time" and "The Crisis of Political Philosophy",The Predicament of Modern Politics,Harold J.Spaeth ed.,University of Detroit Press,pp.41-54,pp.91-103; "Relativism" and "Progress or Return?",The Rebirth of Classical Political Rationalism,selected and introduced by Thomas L.Pangle,The University of Chicago Press,1989,pp.13-26,pp.227-270; "German Nihilism"(edited by David Janssens and Daniel Tanguay),Interpretation,Vol.26,No.3(1999),pp.353-378. ⑤Leo Strauss,"The Origins of Political Science and the Problems of Socrates"(edited by David Bolotin,Christopher Bruell,Thomas L.Pangle),Interpretation,Vol.23,No.2(1996)pp.127-207. ⑥Leo Strauss,Persecution and the Art of Writing,Chicago and London:The University of Chicago Press,1988; "On a Forgotten Kind of Writing",Chicago Review,Vol.8,No.1(1954),pp.64-75.(前书收入了4篇施特劳斯在1940年代发表的四篇文章讨论了前现代学者的隐微写作，不过该书里他使用的词是exoteric，到后文中才将esoteric与exoteric连用) ⑦出自施特劳斯在1939年2月写给其好友Jacob Klein的信，转引自David M.Johnson,"Strauss on Xenophon," p.126. ⑧彭磊：《施特劳斯与色诺芬》，第62页。 ⑨陈戎女译的《斯巴达精神或色诺芬的品味》，高诺英译的《色诺芬的〈远征记〉》(即《色诺芬的〈长征记〉)和《关于古希腊史家》，见《色诺芬的品味》(刘小枫、陈少明主编，华夏出版社2006年版)第2-32页，第33-65页，第66-75页；何地译的《论僭政》、《重述色诺芬〈希耶罗〉》，见《论僭政——色诺芬〈希耶罗〉义疏》(古热维奇、罗兹编，何地译，华夏出版社2006年版)第23-145页，第193-229页；杜佳译的《色诺芬的苏格拉底言辞——〈齐家〉义疏》(即《色诺芬的苏格拉底讲述——〈家政论〉释义》)，华东师范大学出版社2008年版；高诺英译的《色诺芬的苏格拉底》，华东师范大学出版社2011年版。笔者在写作过程中对这些译作多有参照，限于篇幅不一一注明，谨在此表示感谢！ ⑩Quintilian,Institutio Oratoria,X.1.75,82.(本文脚注中的古典文献除特别说明外，皆参考了洛布古典丛书中的相应篇目) (11)Leo Strauss,On Tyranny,edited by Victor Gourevitch and Michael S.Roth,London:The University of Chicago Press,2000,p.26. (12)Leo Strauss,Persecution and the Art of Writing,pp.7-8,p.17,pp.23-26. (13)持这种观点的如19世纪德国史家尼布尔及稍后的英国史家伯瑞，参见B.G.Niebuhr,Lectures on Ancient History,V.II,Leonhard Schmitz trans.,London:Taylor,Walton and Maberly,1857,p.36; J.B.Bury,The Ancient Greek Historians,New York:The Macmillan Company,1909,p.152. (14)Leo Strauss,"The Spirit of Sparta or the Taste of Xenophon",p.528. (15)Leo Strauss,"The Spirit of Sparta or the Taste of Xenophon",pp.530-535. (16)Leo Strauss,"The Spirit of Sparta or the Taste of Xenophon",p.536. (17)Diogenes Laertius,Lives of Eminent Philosophers,II.46-59. (18)我们可以从博内特和罗素那里发现这种传统，见John Burnet,Greek Philosophy:Part I Thales to Plato,London:Macmillan and Co.,Limited,1928,p.148; Bertrand Russell,A History of Western Philosophy,London:George Allen & Unwin Ltd,1961,pp.82-93. (19)J.K.Anderson,Xenophon,New York:Charles Scribner's Sons,1974,p.4. (20)Allan Bloom给施特劳斯的Xenophon's Socrates一书写的序言。 (21)Leo Strauss,Natural Rights and History,p.122,pp.125-126; "The Origins of Political Science and the Problems of Socrates",p.163,p.171.这跟《大学》中“安静”、“诚意”、“格物致知”、“修身”、“齐家”、“治国”、“平天下”之间的逻辑关系惊人一致。 (22)Xenophon Memorabilia,I.1.11-15,IV.7.2-5. (23)Xenophon Memorabilia,I.4; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socrates,Ithaca and London:Cornell University Press,1972,pp.23-25. (24)Xenophon Memorabilia,IV.4.1,IV.4.12,IV.5.12; Oeconomicus,VIII.9; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socratic Discourse:an Interpretation of the Oeconomicus,South Bend:St.Augustine's Press,1998,p.148. (25)Xenophon Memorabilia,IV.4; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socrates,pp.111-114; Richard S.Ruderman,"On Leo Strauss' Presentation of Xenophon's Political Philosophy in ‘the Problems of Socrates'",Brill's Companion to Leo Strauss' Writings on Classical Political Thought,pp.193-212. (26)Xenophon Memorabilia,III.9; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socrates,p.45,p.78,pp.92-93,pp.122-123; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socratic Discourse:an Interpretation of the Oeconomicus,pp.207-208. (27)Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socrates,pp.3-4; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socratic Discourse:an Interpretation of the Oeconomicus,p.164,p.112. (28)Leo Strauss,On Tyranny,pp.26-27,pp.31-35; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socratic Discourse:an Interpretation of the Oeconomicus,p.114; Leo Strauss,"Xenophon's Anabasis",p.118,p.125,p.131,p.139. (29)John Dillery,Xenophon and the History of His Times,London:Routledge,1995,p.14. (30)Robert B.Strassler ed.,The Landmark Xenophon's Hellenica,a new translation by John Marincola,New York,Pantheon Books,2009，第3页1.1.1及下面的注释1.1.1a。 (31)W.P.Henry,Greek Historical Writing:A Historical Essay Based on Xenophon's Hellenica,Chicago:Argonaut Inc.,Publishers,1966,pp.4-5,p.7,pp.53-54,p.160,pp.204-210. (32)Leo Strauss,"Greek Historians",pp.659-660. (33)Xenophon Symposium,I.1. (34)Xenophon Anabasis,V.8.26. (35)Leo Strauss,"Greek Historians",p.663；注意这里archai是复数，也带有“普遍法则”的意思，而“整全的本原”显然就是永恒的人类法则。 (36)Leo Strauss,"Thucydides:the Meaning of Political History",The Rebirth of Classical Political Rationalism,edited by Thomas L.Pangle,the University of Chicago Press,1989,pp.100-102. (37)在纪年方面，《希腊史》的第一部分与《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》类似，而与其第二部分不同，参见W.P.Henry,Greek Historical Writing:A Historical Essay Basedon Xenophon's Hellenica,pp.39-45. (38)Leo Strauss,"Greek Historians",pp.663-664. (39)例如，前407-前406年，战争胶着状态中，雅典重新重用亚西比德后，在军事上很快出现起色，而后却因他一点微小的失误将其解职，这可比照于，雅典将军在阿吉纽塞海战中取得胜利却因恶劣天气未能及时救助落水者而被判处死刑；前405年，雅典海军遭受决定性败绩的羊河之战前夕，雅典将军的傲慢和疏忽与亚西比德的谨慎劝告、莱山德老谋深算形成对比。参见Xenophon Hellenica,I.4.8-I.5.17,I.6.33-I.7.35,II.1.22-II.1.28；Leo Strauss,"Greek Historians",pp.664-665. (40)Leo Strauss,"Greek Historians",pp.665-666. (41)参见Shadia B.Drury,The Political Ideas of Leo Strauss,Palgrave Macmillan,2005.该书虽然对施特劳斯的某些批评非常偏激，但总的来说有利于冷静认识施特劳斯及相应学派的方法和思想。 (42)参见Norman Gulley,"The Review of Xenophon's Socrates",The Classical Review,New Series,Vol.25,No.1(Apr,175),p.143; J.K.Anderson,"The Review of Xenophon's Socratic Discourse",The Classical Review,New Series,Vol.65,No.7(Mar.,172),p.240. (43)参见Christopher Tuplin,The Failings of Empire:A Reading of Xenophon Hellenica 2.3.11-7.5.27,Franz Steiner Verlag,1993，特别是第163-164页；Christopher Tuplin ed.,Xenophon and his World:Papers from a conference held in Liverpool in July 1999,Franz Steiner Verlag,2004，第13页注释1；Fiona Hobden and Christopher Tuplin eds.,Xenophon:Ethical Principles and Historical Enquiry,pp.65-66,p.123. (44)William Edward Higgins,Xenophon the Athenian:the Problem of the Individual and the Society of Polis,State University of New York Press,1977,p.XIII. (45)Gerald Proietti,"Preface",Xenophon's Sparta,Leiden:E.J.Brill,1987. (46)Bodil Due,The Cryropaedia:Xenophon's Aims and Methods,Aarhus University Press,1989,p.13. (47)N.Humble,"The Author,Date and Purpose of Chapter 14 of Lakedaimonia Politeia",Xenophon and his World,Christopher Tuplin ed.,Franz Steiner Verlag,2004,p.215. (48)例如格蕾对色诺芬优美写作(charis)的论述，及色诺芬的道德原则高于偏见的说法，参见Vivienne Gray,The Character of Xenophon's Hellenica,The Johns Hopkings University Press,1989,pp.56-58,p.75,p.175. (49)Vivienne Gray,Xenophon's Mirror of Princes,Oxford University Press,2011,p.330. (50)Louis-André Dorion,"The Straussian Exegesis of Xenophon:The Paradigmatic Case of Memorabilia IV.4",p.320. (51)例如，在讨论苏格拉底与阿里托德莫斯所理解之神明的区别时，他并不直接作答而是针对后者一句话，用两个疑问句暗示，"Does he think that the world-mind and the artificer of animals are two different beings? Or does he mean that proving the existence of the world-mind does not in any way prove the existence of the gods?"参见Strauss,Xenophon's Socrates,pp.23-24。 (52)Eric Buzzetti,"The Rhetoric of Xenophon and the Treatment of Justice in the Memorabilia",Interpretation,Vol.29,No.1(2001),pp.3-32.该文实际上评论了格蕾的作品The Framing of Socrates:the Literary Interpretation of Xenophon's Memorabilia(Franz Steiner Verlag,1998)。此外肯定施特劳斯解释方法的文章，参见Paul A.Cantor,"Leo Strauss and Contemporary Hermeneutics",Leo Strauss's Thought:Toward a Critical Engagement,Alan Udoff ed.,Boulder and London:Lynne Rienner,1991,pp.267-314. (53)David M.Johnson,"Strauss on Xenophon",pp.156-157. (54)Andocides On the Mysteries,124-127. (55)Xenophon Oeconomicus,VII.7-VIII.23; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socratic Discourse:an Interpretation of the Oeconomicus,pp.157-158. (56)Xenophon Memmorabilia,III.9.11,III.11；Symposium,II.8-9,II.12；Hellenica,III.1.10-15。这里需要注意的是雅典女性结婚的时候一般只有14-15岁，而男性在30岁左右，所以妻子接受丈夫的教导是有社会根源的。 (57)Xenophon Memorabilia,I.5; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socratic Discourse:an Interpretation of the Oeconomicus,p 151; Leo Strauss,Xenophon's Socrates,pp.26-27. (58)Xenophon Oeconomicus,VII.27. (59)Xenophon Oeconomicus,III.14-15. （本文刊于《史学史研究》2016年第3期） (责任编辑：admin) |