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五、结语 不可否认，当下所有古史研究者都不会否认农业在古代经济中的重要地位，但海上贸易和海上贸易商人是否如芬利等人强调的那么不值一提?东方贸易是否仅集中于奢侈品的交换?海上贸易规模是否相当有限?海上贸易对古代国家经济的贡献是否微乎其微?近年来，芬利等人倡导的古代经济模式受到了越来越多的质疑，海上贸易在古代经济中的作用日渐受到学者们的重视。本文围绕穆泽里斯纸草展开的讨论可从购买力、贸易规模、商人的地位等层面一定程度上修正“正统理论”的某些极端看法。 首先，帝国鼎盛时期罗马居民对东方商品的购买力较强。证据表明，来自东方的商品并非总是奢侈品，日常生活用品和用于提高生活品质的“半奢侈品”同样重要。即便所谓的“奢侈品”，一部分因具有宗教和医疗功能而成为必需品，另一部分因帝国时期的政治需要、奢靡的社会风气和居民生活质量的普遍提高而具有了广阔市场。因此，帝国居民对于东方商品的购买力并非如芬利等人强调的那么有限，他们年均消费的东方商品甚至达到20亿塞斯退斯。 其次，东方贸易的规模及其对帝国经济的贡献比当下学术界想象的更大。结合穆泽里斯纸草、考古材料、《红海航行志》及其他古典作家的作品可见，每年经埃及红海港口输入的东方商品在帝国境内的售价可能超过10亿塞斯退斯。其他学者的研究证明，经波斯湾和陆上丝绸之路输入的东方商品价值不会低于上述金额。如果上述说法成立，那么东方贸易为罗马帝国的国内生产总值贡献了大约10％。此外，从东方贸易中征收的关税，还是埃及行省乃至帝国财政收入的重要来源。结合分布广泛的运装油料和葡萄酒的双耳瓶，考虑到雅典、罗马等城市对海外谷物等生活必需品持续的需求，加上修缮建造商船的投入和花费，不难推导，海上贸易虽非罗马帝国经济的根基，但无疑占据举足轻重的地位。 最后，海上贸易商人的经济地位未必总是那么低下。穆泽里斯纸草中的债务人投入的资金庞大，来自富裕之家；借贷经营海上贸易的商人拥有的财富可与骑士等级相提并论；甚至运载货物的船主和船上的水手都不能算作穷人。对他们而言，海上贸易并非有碍心智发展的“低贱职业”，他们也未必总是身处社会最底层的贫困者。以市场为导向、以追求利润为目标的海上贸易，成为一部分罗马居民(穆泽里斯纸草中的借贷双方就是他们的代表)的重要产业。农业或许仍是帝国盛期重要的产业部门，但在某些地区，它并不一定是唯一产业，甚至可能并非最重要的产业。以琼斯和芬利为代表的坚持古代经济原始落后的正统理论，尤其是关于海上贸易的论述，未必总能适用于每一个时段的每一个地区。 注释： ①关于18世纪欧洲学者的研究概述，参见Federico De Romanis and Marco Maiuro,“Introduction,” in Federico De Romanis and Marco Maiuro,eds.,Across the Ocean:Nine Essays on Indo-Mediterranean Trade,Leiden and Boston:Brill,2015,pp.1-5，所引参见p.5. ②E.H.Warmington,The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India,London:Curzon Press,1974; William Woodthorpe Tarn,The Greeks in Bactria and India,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1966,pp.361-375. ③相关学术综述，参见Andrew Wilson,“A Forum on Trade,” in Walter Scheidel,ed.,The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Economy,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2012,p.290. ④夏继果：《海洋史研究的全球史转向》，《全球史评论》第9辑，北京：中国社会科学出版社，2015年，第13页。 ⑤近年来的考古新成果和新研究方法参见Roberta Tomber,Indo-Roman Trade:From Pots to Pepper,London:Duckworth,2010,pp.16-17,39.关于霍登和珀塞尔微观生态研究方法的评述，参见陈思伟：《微观生态视角下的地中海史研究》，《全球史评论》第9辑，第261-274页。 ⑥相关成果颇丰，在此仅列举几例最具代表性的著作：Roberta Tomber,Indo-Roman Trade:From Pots to Pepper; Grant Parker,The Making of Roman India,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2008; Federico De Romanis and Marco Maiuro,eds.,Across the Ocean:Nine Essays on Indo-Mediterranean Trade. ⑦罗马帝国初期，地中海世界的商人所谈的印度主要指印度次大陆西海岸地区，对于东海岸，他们的了解有限，贸易交往以间接方式为主。Lionel Casson,The Periplus Maris Erythraei:Text with Introduction,Translation,and Commentary,Princeton:Princeton University Press,1989,p.22. ⑧S.E.Sidebotham,Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route,Berkley and London:University of California Press,2011,pp.21-54. ⑨分别参见Vimala Begley and Richard Daniel De Puma,eds.,Rome and India:The Ancient Sea Trade,Madison; University of Wisconsin Press,1991，玻璃，pp.113-124；装货物的双耳瓶，pp.134-150；陶器，pp.157-196；青铜制品，pp.82-112。钱币，参见Warwick Ball,Rome in the East:The Transformation of an Empire,London and New York:Routledge,2000,p.127. ⑩Strabo，Geographica，17.1.13.本文所引古典文献，除特别注明外，均据哈佛大学出版社洛布古典丛书(Loeb Classical Library)的英译。注释时遵从古典学惯例，注原书之卷节号或行数，下同。 (11)Grant Parker,The Making of Roman India,pp.179-180. (12)Strabo,Geographica,2.5.12; 17.1.13. (13)Lionel Casson,“Ancient Naval Technology and the Route to India,” in Vimala Begley and Richard Daniel De Puma,eds.,Rome and India:The Ancient Sea Trade,p.9. (14)Pliny,Naturalis Historia,6.100; Peripulus,57.近年来学者们对此看法提出了质疑，参见F.De Romanis and A.Tchernia,eds.,Crossings:Early Mediterranean Contacts with India,New Delhi:Manohar,1997,pp.77,250,260. (15)佩德森认为，早在公元前3千纪，阿拉伯海周边居民可能已利用季风通过近海航行从印度到达美索不达米亚，参见Ralph K.Pedersen,“Traditional Arabian Watercraft and the Ark of the Gilgamesh Epic:Interpretations and Realizations,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies,vol.34,2004,pp.231-238. (16)Lionel Casson,“Ancient Naval Technology and the Route to India,” p.9. (17)Lionel Casson,“Rome's Trade with the East:The Sea Voyage to Africa and India,” Transactions of the American Philological Association,vol.110,1980,pp.35-36. (18)Tom Vosmer,“Ships in the Ancient Arabian Sea:The Development of a Hypothetical Reed Boat Model,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies,vol.30,2000,p.237. (19)Gus W.van Beek,“Pre-Islamic South Arabian Shipping in the Indian Ocean—A Surrejoinder,” Journal of the American Oriental Society,vol.80,no.2,1960,p.137. (20)Lionel Casson,Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World,Princeton:Princeton University Press,1971，船舶构造，pp.205-213；风帆和索具，pp.239-243. (21)Lionel Casson,Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World,pp.183-190. (22)Lionel Casson,Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World,pp.11-16. (23)Strabo,Geographica,16.4.22-24. (24)贝雷尼塞考古发现了凿有榫眼的柚木和雪松残段、风帆和索具残片、若干长达20厘米的青铜长钉、大量稍短的铁钉和一块重达95公斤的铅质船体护罩。这些物件都是地中海榫接式船舶的主要构成部分，铅质船罩更是大型远洋商船的重要特征。参见Steven E.Sidebotham,“Archaeological Evidence for Ships and Harbor Facilities at Berenike(Red Sea Coast),Egypt,” Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome,Supplementary vol.6,2008,pp.307-308.米奥斯·霍尔莫斯考古，参见Lionel Casson,Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World,pp.195,209-210. (25)John P.Cooper,“No Easy Option:The Nile versus the Red Sea in Ancient and Mediaeval North-south Navigation,” in William V.Harris and Kristine Iara,eds.,Maritime Technology in the Ancient Economy:Ship-Design and Navigation,Portsmouth:Thomson-Shore,2011,p.189. (26)Diodorus Siculus,Bibliotheca Historica,3.43; Strabo,Geographica,16.4.18. (27)Ptolemy,Geographica,4.5.8. (28)Roberta Tomber,Indo-Roman Trade:From Pots to Pepper,pp.58-66. (29)Pliny,Naturalis Historia,6.103. (30)A.Wilson,“Red Sea Trade and the State,” in Federico De Romanis and Marco Maiuro,eds.,Across the Ocean:Nine Essays on Indo-Mediterranean Trade,pp.28-29; Steven E.Sidebotham,Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa,Leiden:E.J.Brill,1986,p.4. (31)Steven E.Sidebotham,Ronald E.Zitterkopf and C.Christina Helms,“Survey of the Via Hadriana:The 1998 Season,” Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt,vol.37,2000,pp.115-126. (32)Epictetus,Discourses,3.13.9. (33)W.Scheidel,“A Comparative Perspective on the Determinants of the Scale and Productivity of Roman Maritime Trade in the Mediterranean,” in William V.Harris and Kristine Iara,eds.,Maritime Technology in the Ancient Economy:Ship-Design and Navigation,p.21. (34)Elizabeth Ann Pollard,“The Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean,” in Peregrine Horden and Sharon Kinoshita,eds.,A Companion to Mediterranean History,Oxford:Wiley Blackwell,2014,p.458；张绪山：《罗马帝国沿海路向东方的探索》，《史学月刊》2001年第1期。 (35)D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” Bulletin de la Société Archéologique d'Alexandrie,T.46(2000),p.47. (36)传世文献和考古材料在古代经济史研究中的局限性，参见陈思伟：《树木与森林：近年来欧美古希腊罗马经济史研究方法述评》，《世界历史评论》第4辑，上海：上海人民出版社，2015年，第175-197页。 (37)A.S.Hunt and C.C.Edgar,eds.,Select Papyri,vol.1,Cambridge and London:Harvard University Press,1988,pp.x-xii. (38)巴格诺尔：《阅读纸草，书写历史》，宋立宏、郑阳译，上海：上海三联书店，2007年，第119-121页，所引见第121页和第35页。 (39)20世纪的学者一般认为穆泽里斯是今印度西南马拉巴沿岸的科兰加努(Cranganur)，譬如Lionel Casson,The Periplus Maris Erythraei,p.296.但最新考古成果更趋向于将帕塔那姆(Pattanam)与穆泽里斯联系在一起，参见Roberta Tomber,Indo-Roman Trade:From Pots to Pepper,pp.141-142. (40)D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” p.39. (41)帝国初期，埃及和帝国东部行省的居民以希腊语作为他们的通用语言，参见Steven E.Sidebotham et al.,The Red Land:Illustrated Archaeology of Egypt's Eastern Desert,Cairo:The American University in Cairo Press,2008,pp.189-192. (42)分别是Papyrus Vindobonensis Graecus(简称P.Vindo.G.)40822和Sammelbuch griechischen Urkunden aus  (简称SB)XVIII 13167。两个版本在补遗的内容上稍有差别。(43)Elio Lo Cascio,“Afterword,” in Federico De Romanis and Marco Maiuro,eds.,Across the Ocean:Nine Essays on Indo-Mediterranean Trade,p.165. (44)相关讨论参见D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” pp.39-40. (45)Strabo，Geography，17.815.如在贝雷尼塞卸货将花11-12天。Pliny,Naturalis Historia,6.103. (46)公元前4世纪雅典海事贷款还款期限是货物到目的港后的20天，拉什邦认为该宗借贷由于数额太大，还款期限可能为1年。D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” p.42. (47)D.Rathbone,“The Financing of Maritime Commerce in the Roman Empire,I-II AD,” in Elio Lo Cascio,ed.,Credito e moneta nel mondo Romano,Bari:Edipuglia,2003,pp.197-231. (48)D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” p.43; Lionel Casson,“New Light on Maritime Loans:P.Vindob.G.40822,” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik,Bd.84(1990),pp.195-206. (49)倒数第二栏所载货物，见Lionel Casson,“New Light on Maritime Loans:P.Vindob.G.40822,” pp.197-198. (50)Libra，约合四分之三磅或0.323公斤。Alexander Souter,Oxford Latin Dictionary,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2012,p.1026. (51)卡森认为，到达红海沿岸港口后，针对不同货物需先向驻港口的征税员缴纳2.6％-2.8％的港口税；到达亚历山大里亚后，这一部分货物仍需报关，缴纳关税。Lionel Casson,“New Light on Maritime Loans:P.Vindob.G.40822,” p.199. (52)schidai所指不明。卡森和德·罗曼尼斯认为是纺织品。Lionel Casson,“New Light on Maritime Loans:P.Vindob.G.40822,” p.201; Federico De Romanis,“Commercio,metrologia,fiscalità.Su P.Vindob.40822verso,” Mélanges de l'Ecole  de Rome Antiquité,T.110,fasc.1,1998,p.14.但从上下文看，schidai指“碎片”，所以拉什邦“破损象牙”的补释可能更有说服力。D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” p.44.(53)莫雷利和德·罗曼尼斯最新的计算结果是1151塔兰特5852德拉克玛，合6911852塞斯退斯。Federico Morelli,“Dal Mar Rosso ad Alessandria:Il verso(ma anche il recto)del ‘papiro di Muziris’(SB XVIII 13167),” Tyche,T.26(2011),p.214; Federico De Romanis,“Playing Sudoku on the Verso of the ‘Muziris Papyrus’:Pepper,Malabathron and Tortoise Shell in the Cargo of the Hermapollon,” Journal of Ancient Indian History,vol.27,2012,p.101. (54)长胡椒、白胡椒、黑胡椒的售价，参见Pliny,Naturalis Historia,12.14.28；100倍的价格参见Naturalis Historia,6.101. (55)Federico De Romanis,“Comparative Perspectives on the Pepper Trade,” in Federico De Romanis and Marco Maiuro,eds.,Across the Ocean:Nine Essays On Indo-Mediterranean Trade,pp.135-139; Federico Morelli,“Dal Mar Rosso ad Alessandria:Il verso(ma anche il recto)del ‘papiro di Muziris’(SB XVIII 13167),” pp.199-234. (56)Fernand Braudel,Civilization and Capitalism 15th-18th Century,II,The Wheel of Commerce,trans.  Reynolds,London:Book Club Associates,1983,p.405.尽管布罗代尔的数据主要针对中世纪晚期，但在霍顿和珀塞尔看来，地理大发现之前的东西方海上贸易大体相同。参见陈思伟：《微观生态视角下的地中海史研究》，《全球史评论》第9辑，第263页。(57)M.I.Finley,The Ancient Economy,London:The Horgarth Press,1985,p.33. (58)Federico De Romanis,“Comparative Perspectives on the Pepper Trade,” pp.135-139; Federico Morelli,“Dal Mar Rosso ad Alessandria:Il verso(ma anche il recto)del‘papiro di Muziris’(SB XVIII 13167),” pp.199-234. (59)Federico Morelli,“Dal Mar Rosso ad Alessandria:Il verso(ma anche il recto)del ‘papiro di Muziris’(SB XVIII 13167),” p.214; Federico De Romanis,“Comparative Perspectives on the Pepper Trade,” p.137. (60)Justinian,Digesta,39.4.16.7. (61)Lin Foxhall,“Village to City:Staples and Luxuries? Exchange Networks and Urbanization,” in Robin Osborne and Barry Cunliffe,eds.,Mediterranean Urbanization 800-600 B.C.,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2005,p.240. (62)Periplus,14,31,41,48,49. (63)W.Z.Wendrich et al.,“Berenike Crossroads:The Integration of Information,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient,vol.46,no.1(Feb.2003),pp.64-79. (64)Steven E.Sidebotham,Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route,pp.226,249-251; Gary Young,Rome's Eastern Trade:International Commerce and Imperial Policy,31BC-AD 305,London and New York:Routledge,2001,pp.13-16. (65)Pliny,Naturalis Historia,12.14.28. (66)Alan K.Bowman and J.David Thomas,The Vindolanda Writing-Tablets(Tabulae Vindolandenses II),London:British Museum Press,2003,pp.135-141. (67)S.E.Sidebotham,Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route,pp.216-217,219; Federico De Romanis,“Commercio,metrologia,fiscalità.Su P.Vindob.40822verso,” pp.19-23. (68)陈思伟：《古典时代雅典私人钱庄与海上贸易融资》，《世界历史》2015年第4期。 (69)Federico De Romanis,“Commercio,metrologia,fiscalità.Su P.Vindob.40822verso,” p.23. (70)M.I.Finley,The Ancient Economy,p.145; Paul Millett,Lending and Borrowing in Ancient Athens,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1991,pp.9-170,esp.p.170; C.M.Reed,Maritime Traders in the Ancient Greek World,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2003,pp.35,36. (71)Demosthenes,35.10-13. (72)D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” p.42; Federico De Romanis,“Commercio,metrologia,fiscalità.Su P.Vindob.40822verso,” pp.21-22. (73)最详细的记载可见Demosthenes，35.1-2. (74)A.H.M.Jones,Athenian Democracy,Oxford:Oxford University Press,1957,p.138,note 46. (75)M.I.Finley,The Ancient Economy,pp.58,60,145. (76)譬如Walter Scheidel,“Real Wages in Early Economies:Evidence for Living Standards from 1800BCE to 1300CE,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient,vol.53,no.3(Sep.2010),pp.437-442; D.Rathbone,“Earnings and Costs:Living Standards and the Roman Economy,” in A.Bowman and A.Wilson,eds.,Quantifying the Roman Economy:Methods and Problems,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2009,pp.303-317. (77)Steven E.Sidebotham et al.,The Red Land:Illustrated Archaeology of Egypt's Eastern Desert,pp.201,188. (78)D.Rathbone,“Earnings and Costs:Living Standards and the Roman Economy,” p.304. (79)罗马帝国时期埃及1斗小麦约合30公斤，参见D.Rathbone,“Earnings and Costs:Living Standards and the Roman Economy,” p.301. (80)D.Rathbone,“Roman Egypt,” in Walter Scheidel et al.,eds.,The Cambridge Economic History of the Greco-Roman World,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2007,p.711. (81)Colin E.P.Adams,“Who Bore the Burden? The Organization of Stone Transport in Roman Egypt,” in David Mattingly and John Salmon,eds.,Economies beyond Agriculture in the Classical World,London and New York:Routledge,2001,p.187. (82)Raymond W.Goldsmith,“An Estimate of the Size and Structure of the National Product of the Early Roman Empire,” Review of Income and Wealth,vol.30,1984,pp.263-288,esp.pp.274,277-278. (83)Demosthenes，34.6-7，40；35.18.德·罗曼尼斯的研究表明，古代希腊与罗马的海事贷款在运作方式上没有根本变化，参见Federico De Romanis,“Commercio,metrologia,fiscalità.Su P.Vindob.40822verso,” p.22. (84)Steven E.Sidebotham et al.,The Red Land:Illustrated Archaeology of Egypt's Eastern Desert,p.187. (85)Federico De Romanis,“Commercio,metrologia,fiscalità.Su P.Vindob.40822verso,” p.12. (86)我们并不知道运费是按货物的成本征收还是运抵目的港之后的价格征收。如果按成本计算，那么运费为1万塞斯退斯。除船主(nauclerus，有时可能两名)外，罗马商船的人员配置还包括一名船长(magister navis)、一名操帆员(gubernator)、一名大副(proreus)、一名二副(toicharchos)、一名理货员(perineos)、若干名帮手。大型海船上，可能还包括几名舵手(aurigae)、木匠(faber)、保镖(nauphylakes)、桨手。Lionel Casson,Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World,pp.314-320. (87)Steven E.Sidebotham,Berenike and the Ancient Maritime Spice Route,p.249. (88)Lionel Casson,“Rome's Trade with the East:The Sea Voyage to Africa and India,” p.35. (89)Paul Millett,Lending and Borrowing in Ancient Athens,p.171. (90)在贝雷尼塞的垃圾堆中发现的一封帝国初期的信件中，一位名为希卡妮(Hikane)的母亲抱怨说，她已经很久没有收到在海外经商的儿子伊斯多鲁斯(Isidorus)的平安信了。Steven E.Sidebotham et al.,The Red Land:Illustrated Archaeology of Egypt's Eastern Desert,p.191. (91)考古材料表明，意大利的佩提西乌斯(Peticius)家族、波提奥利的安尼伊(Annii)家族直接参与了东方贸易。(Roberta Tomber,Indo-Roman Trade:From Pots to Pepper,p.152)共和国晚期和帝国初期更多罗马元老积极参与海上贸易和海事贷款的证据，可参见John H.D'Arms,Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome,Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1981，共和国末期，pp.39-47；帝国初期，pp.152-153，158；H.W.Pleket,“Urban Elites and Business in the Greek Part of the Roman Empire,” in Peter Garnsey et al.,eds.,Trade in the Ancient Economy,Berkeley:University of California Press,1983,pp.130-144,esp.p.137. (92)S.C.Humphreys,Anthropology and the Greeks,London and New York:Routledge,1978,p.153. (93)关于新正统理论的总结，参见Keith Hopkins,“Introduction,” in Peter Garnsey et al.,eds.,Trade in the Ancient Economy,pp.xi-xii，所引分别见pp.ix-x，x，xii. (94)A.H.M.Jones and P.A.Brunt,The Roman Economy:Studies in Ancient Economic and Administrative History,Oxford:Blackwell,1974,p.30. (95)Paul Cartledge,“The Economy(Economies)of Ancient Greece,” Dialogues,vol.5,1998,p.6. (96)Steven E.Sidebotham,Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa,p.46. (97)对于几百年来学者们的推断，参见D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” p.47. (98)近年来穆泽里斯纸草被广泛运用于东西方海上贸易的研究，相关评论，参见Elio Lo Cascio，“Afterword，”p.165.关于穆泽里斯纸草的典型性，见本文第二部分。 (99)分别参见Pliny，Naturalis Historia，6.101；12.84.第二段译文借鉴张星烺编，朱杰勤校注《中西交通史料汇编》第1册(北京：中华书局，1977年，第21-22页)，稍有改动。 (100)M.I.Finley,The Ancient Economy,p.132; Steven E.Sidebotham,Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa,pp.36-39. (101)在大约75处遗址中，特纳发现了超过6000枚公元1-3世纪的罗马银币和300枚金币。(Paula J.Turner,Roman Coins from India,London:Royal Numismatic Society,1989)近年来，这一数据有大幅度增加，参见Roberta Tomber,Indo-Roman Trade:From Pots to Pepper,p.31. (102)刘欣如：《印度古代社会史》，北京：中国社会科学出版社，1990年，第146页；Grant Parker,The Making of Roman Indian,p.185. (103)Periplus,49,56. (104)考古证据参见Vimala Begley and Richard Daniel Puma,eds.,Rome and India:The Ancient Sea Trade，其中陶器见pp.46-81，134-150，157-196；青铜器见pp.82-112；玻璃见pp.113-124；葡萄酒见pp.151-156，204-215；其他物品参见Periplus，27，39，49，56-57；以物易物参见Lionel Casson,The Peripuls Maris Erythraei,pp.29-31. (105)Strabo,Geographica,2.5.12; 17.1.13. (106)参见S.E.Sidebotham,Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa,map 1; Steven E.Sidebotham et al.,The Red Land:Illustrated Archaeology of Egypt's Eastern Desert,pp.157-168. (107)这里借鉴了威尔逊的最保守的估计。Andrew Wilson,“Red Sea Trade and the State,” in Federico De Romanis and Marco Maiuro,eds.,Across the Ocean:Nine Essays on Indo-Mediterranean Trade,p.23. (108)Federico De Romanis,“Comparative Perspectives on the Pepper Trade,” pp.134-139.德·罗曼尼斯对于“赫玛波隆”号商船载重量的计算结果是620吨，这与卡松推断的500吨大体相当。Lionel Casson,Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World,pp.183-190. (109)5000万塞斯退斯比凯撒征服高卢后罗马对此地征收的年贡(Suetonius，Divus Iulius，25)还多。 (110)D.Rathbone,“The Muziris Papyrus:Financing Roman Trade with India,” p.47. (111)邓肯-琼斯认为，2世纪，罗马城人口已达100万，而另外三座城市的人口也在25万至50万之间。Richard Duncan-Jones,The Economy of the Roman Empire:Quantitative Studies,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1982,pp.259-287. (112)Catharine Edwards,The Politics of Immorality in Ancient Rome,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1993,pp.186-187; Steven E.Sidebotham,Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa,pp.39-40.考古成果表明，埃及与次大陆海上贸易的鼎盛时期是1世纪中叶到2世纪初。Steven E.Sidebotham et al.,The Red Land:Illustrated Archaeology of Egypt's Eastern Desert,p.179. (113)必须再次强调，“赫玛波隆”号商船可能是一宗特例，但鉴于东方商品的高昂价值、商船巨大的载重量、长久的耗时，每艘商船所载货物的价值也定然不菲。 (114)古德史密斯研究认为，帝国初期罗马国内生产总值大约为200亿塞斯退斯。(Raymond W.Goldsmith,“An Estimate of the Size and Structure of the National Product of the Early Roman Empire,” p.263)泰明认为公元1世纪，罗马的国内生产总值为100亿塞斯退斯。(Peter Temin,“Estimating GDP in the Early Roman Republic,” in Elio Lo Cascio,ed.,Innovazione technica e progresso economico nel mondo Romano,Bari:Edipuglia,2007,pp.31-54)如果加上经波斯湾运抵的东方商品，东方贸易在罗马国内生产总值中所占比例可能更高。 (115)Neville Morley,Metropolis and Hinterland:The City of Rome and the Italian Economy 200B.C.-A.D.200,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2002,p.38. (116)Grant Young,Rome's Eastern Trade,pp.200-201; Steven E.Sidebotham,Berenike and the Ancient Spice Route,p.250. (117)Grant Young,Rome's Eastern Trade,pp.14-16. (118)Cicero,Pro Murena,35. (119)Seneca,Ad Helviam,10.3. (120)Pliny,Naturalis Historia,9.67; Juvenal,Satires,4; G.Parker,The Making of Roman India,p.188. (121)Pliny,Naturalis Historia,9.58.117. (122)Vimala Begley and Richard Daniel de Puma,eds.,Rome and India:The Ancient Sea Trade,pp.39-169. (123)Roscoe Pulliam,“Taxation in the Roman State,” The Classical Journal,vol.19,no.9(Jun.1924),pp.545-553，关于帝国初期间接税的征收，参见p.551. (124)Roscoe Pulliam,“Taxation in the Roman State,” p.547. (125)M.I.Finley,The Ancient Economy,pp.33,129-139; C.R.Whittaker,“Trade and the Aristocracy in the Roman Empire,” Opus,Bd.4(1985),pp.49-75. (126)邓肯-琼斯给出的年军费支出是6.43亿—7.04亿塞斯退斯。Richard Duncan-Jones,Money and Government in the Roman Empire,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1994,p.36. (127)Strabo,Geographica,17.1.13; Periplus,19; Richard Duncan-Jones,“Roman Customs Dues:A Comparative View,” Latomus,T.65,Fasc.1(Janvier-Mars 2006),p.4. (128)Federico De Romanis,“Commercio,metrologia,fiscalità.Su P.Vindob.40822verso,” pp.23-27. (129)Pliny,Naturalis Historia,12.123. (130)Strabo,Geographica,17.1.13. (131)Richard Duncan-Jones,Money and Government in the Roman Empire,p.53. (132)David Chambers,Brian Pullan and Jennifer Filetcher,Venice:A Documentary History,1450-1630,Toronto:University of Toronto Press,2001,pp.148-152. (责任编辑：admin) |