注 释 [ 1 ] a. d’Errico, F., Backwell, L., 2009, Assessing theFunction of Early Hominin Bone Tools, Journal ofArchaeological Science , 36, pp.1764-1773. b. Backwell, L., d’Errico, F., 2000, A New Functional Interpretation of the Swartkrans Early Hominid Bone Tools, Journal of Human Evolution ,38(3), pp.A4-A5. [ 2 ] 安家瑗:《华北地区旧石器时代的骨、角器》,《人类学学报》2001年第4期。 [ 3 ] a. Breuil, H., 1939, Bone and Antler Industry ofChoukoutien Sinanthropus Site, Pal Sin New Ser 6,pp.1-41. b.金牛山联合发掘队:《辽宁营口金牛山旧石器文化的研究》,《古脊椎动物与古人类》1978年第2期。 [ 4 ] 贾兰坡等:《许家窑旧石器时代文化遗址1976年发掘报告》,《古脊椎动物与古人类》1979年第4期。 [ 5 ] Pei, W.C., 1939, The Upper Cave Industry ofChoukoutien, Pal. Sin. New Ser D , 9, pp.1-41. [ 6 ] 贾兰坡等:《山西峙峪旧石器时代遗址发掘报告》,《考古学报》1972年第1期。 [ 7 ] 黑龙江省文物管理委员会等:《阎家岗—旧石器时代晚期古营地遗址》,文物出版社,1987年。 [ 8 ] Villa, P., d’Errico, F., 2001, Bone and Ivory Points in the Lower and Middle Paleolithic of Europe, Journal of Human Evolution , 41, pp.69-112. [ 9 ] Gaudzinski, S., 1999, The Faunal Record of the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic of Europe:Remarks on Human Interference, The Middle Palaeolithic Occupation of Europe , Leiden:University of Leiden, pp.215-233. [10] Backwell, L.R., d’Errico, F., 2005, The Origin of Bone Tool Technology and the Identification of Early Hominid Cultural Traditions, From Tools to Symbols: From Early Hominids to Modern Humans , Johannesburg: Wits University Press,pp.238-275. [11] Teyssandier, N., Liolios, D., 2003, Defining the Earliest Aurignacian in the Swabian Alp:the Relevance of the Technological Study of the Geissenkl?sterle (Baden-Württemberg,Germany) Lithic and Organic Productions,The Chronolog y of the Aurignacian and of the Transitional Technocomplexes: Dating,Stratigraphies, Cultural Implications , LISBOA:Instituto Português de Arqueollogia, pp.179-198. [12] Münzel, S.C., 2001, The Production of Upper Palaeolithic Mammoth Bone Ar tifacts from Southwestern Germany, The World of Elephants-International Congress , Rome, pp.448-454. [13] a. d’Errico, F., Henshilwood, C., 2007, Additional Evidence for Bone Technology in the Southern African Middle Stone Age, Journal of Human Evolution , 52, pp.63-142. b. Henshilwood, CS. et al., 2001, An Early Bone Tool Industry from the Middle Stone Age at Blombos Cave, South Africa: Implications for the Origins of Modern Human Behavior, Symbolism and Language, Journal of Human Evolution , 41,pp.631-678. c. McBr e a r t y, S ., Br o ok s , A ., 2 0 0 0 , The Revolution That Wasn’t: A New Interpretation of the Origin of Modern Human Behavior, Journal of Human Evolution , 39, pp.453-563. [14] a.Yellen, J. E., 1998, Barbed Bone Points: Traditionand Continuity in Saharan and Sub-Saharan Africa,African Archaeological Review , 15, pp.173-198. b. 同[13]c。 [15] Klein, R. G., 2000, Archaeology and the Evolutionof Human Behavior, Evolutionary Anthropology , 9,pp.17-36. [16] a.同[13] a。 b.同[13] b。 [17] a. Singer, R., Wymer, J., 1982, The Middle Stone Age at Klasies River Mouth in South Africa ,Chicago: Chicago University Press. b.同[13]a。 c. Backwell, L., d’Errico, F., Wadley, L., 2008,Middle Stone Age Bone Tools from the Howiesons Poort Layers, Sibudu Cave, South Africa, Journal of Archaeological Science , 35, pp. 1566-1580. [18] d’Errico, F. et al., 2004, Many Awls in Our Argument. Bone Tool Manufacture and Use from the Chatelper ronian and Aurignacian Layers of the Grotte du Renne at Arcy-sur-Cur, The Chronology of the Aurignacian and of the Transitional Technocomplexes: Dating,Stratigraphies , Cultural Implications, Lisbon:Instituto Português de Arqueologia, pp.247-270. [19] a.同[13]a。 b.同[17]c。 [20] Bradfield, J., Lombard, M., 2011, A Macrofracture Study of Bone Points Used in Experimental Hunting with Reference to the South African Middle Stone Age, South African Archaeological Bulletin, 66(193), pp.67-76. [21] 同[[13]c。 [22] Thieme, H., 1997, Lower Palaeolithic Hunting Spears from Germany, Nature , 385, pp. 807-810. [23] a.同[13]c。 b.Wadley, L., 2001, What is Cultural Modernity? A General View and a South African Perspectivefrom Rose Cottage Cave, Cambridge Archaeological Journal , 11(2), pp.201-221. [24] Clark, J. D., 1989, The Origins and Spread ofModern Humans: a Broad Perspective on the A frican Evidence, The Human Revolution ,Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp.566-588. [25] 同[11]。 [26] a.Bar-Yosef, O., 2002, The Upper Paleolithic Revolution, Annual Review of Anthropology , 31,pp.363-393. b.Cona rd, N. J., 2 0 0 3, Pa laeolit hic Ivor ySculptures from Southwestern Germany and theOrigins of Figurative Art, Nature , 426, pp.830-832. c.Conard, N.J., Bolus, M., 2006, The Swabian Aurignacian and Its Place in European Prehistory,Towards a Definition of the Aurignacian , Lisbon:Amer ican S chool of Prehistor ic Research /Instituto Português de Arqueologia, pp.211-239. d. Cona rd, N. J., et a l., 2 0 0 9, New F lutes Document the Earliest Musical Tradition in Southwestern Germany, Nature , 460, pp.737-740. [27] a.Hoffecker, J., 2005, Innovation and Technological Knowledge in the Upper Paleolithic of Northern Eurasia, Evolutionary Anthropology , 14, pp.186-198. b.Conard, N.J., et al., 2004, Die Ausgrabungen in den Gravettien-und Aurignacien-Schichtendes Hohle Fels bei Schelklingen, Alb-Donau-Kreis, und die kulturel le Ent w icklung im fruehen Jungpalaeolithikum, Archaeologische Ausgrabungen in Baden-Wuerttemberg (2003),pp.17-22. c. Bar th, M.M., 20 07, Familienbande? Die Gravettienzeilichen Knochen-und Geweihgerate d e s A c h t a l s ( S c h w a b i s c h e A l b) , Ve r l a g MarieLeidorf GmbH. Rahden/Westf . [28] Pokines, J. T., 1998, Experimental Replication and Use of Cantabrian Lower Magdalenian Antler Projectile Points, Journal of Archaeological Science , 25(9), pp.875-886. [29] a. Knecht, H., 1997, Projectile Points of Bone,Antler and Stone: Experimental Explorations of Manufacture and Use, Projectile Technology , New York: Plenum Press, pp.191-212. b. Heckel, C., 2009, Physical Characteristics of Mammoth Ivory and Their Implications for Ivory Work in the Upper Paleolithic, Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Urgeschichte , 18, pp.71-91. [30] Enloe, J.G., 2003, Acquisition and Processing of Reindeer in the Paris Basin, Mode de Vieau Magdalenien: Apports de l’Archeozool ogie(Zooarchaeological Insights into Magdalenian Lifeways) , Oxford: BAR International Series 1144, pp.23-31. [31] a.Riek, G., 1973, Das Pa laeolithikum der Brillenhoehle bei Blaubeuren (Schwaebische Alb), Teil I . Stuttgart: Verlag Mueller & Graeff. b.Hahn, J., 1977, Aurignacian, das Aeltere Jungpalaeolithikum im Mittel-und Osteuropa ,Koeln-Wien: Boehlau (Fundamenta; A9). c.Conard, N. J., Moreau, L ., 20 06, Current Research on the Gravettian of the Swabian Jura,Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft fuer Urgeschichte (13/2004), pp.29-59. [32] Knecht, H., 1993, Splits and Wedges: the Techniques and Technology of Early Aurignacian Antler Working, Before Lascaux: the Complex Record of the Early Upper Paleolithic , Boca Raton: CRC Press, pp.137-162. [33] a.同[27]a。 b.同[29]a。 [34] 同[27]c。 [35] 同[31]c。 [36] a.Svoboda, J. et al., 2009, Pavlov VI: An UpperPalaeolithic Living Unit, Antiquity , 83, pp.282-295. b.Klima, B., 1994, Die Knochenindustrie, Zierund Kunstgegenstaende, Pavlov I-excavations 1952-1953 . Liege: ERAUL 66, pp.97-159. [37] Anikovich, M.V. et al., 2007, Early Upper Paleolithic in Eastern Europe and Implications for the Dispersal of Modern Humans, Science , 315, pp.223-226. [38] 同[27]a。 [39] Klein, R.G., 2009, Human Career 3rd ed , Chicago:University of Chicago Press. [40] a.Schyle, D., 1992, Near Eastern Upper Paleolithic Cultural Stratigraphy, Biehefte zum Tübinger Atlasdes Vorderen Orients, Reihe B (Geisteswissenschaften)Nr. 59. Dr. Ludwig Reichert, Wiesbaden. b.Kuhn, S. et al., 2009, The Early Upper Paleolithic Occupations at ü?a??zl? Cave (Hatay, Turkey),Journal of Human Evolution , 56, pp.87-113. [41] Newcomer, M.H., 1974, Study and Replication of Bone Tools from Ksar Akil (Lebanon), World Archaeology , 6(2), pp.138-153. [42] a.同[40]b。 b. Kuhn, S., 2002, Paleolithic Archaeology inTurkey, Evolutionary Anthropology , 11, pp. 198-210. [43] Bar-Yosef, O., 2000, The Middle and Early Upper Paleolithic in Southwest Asia and Neighbouring Regions, The Geography of Neandertals and Modern Humans in Europe and the Greater Mediterranean , Cambridge: Peabody Museum of Harvard University, pp.107-156. [44] a.Goring-Morris, A.N., Belfer-Cohen, A., 2003,Structures and Dwellings in the Upper and Epi-Palaeolithic (ca 42-10 K BP) Levant: Profane and Symbolic Uses, Perceived Landscapes and Built Environments: The Cultural Geography of Late Paleolithic Eurasia , Oxford: BAR International Series 1122, pp.65-81. b.Bar-Yosef, O., 1997, Symbolic Expressions in Later Prehistory of the Levant: Why Are They So Few? Beyond Art: Pleistocene Image andSymbol , San Francisco: Memoirs of the California Academy of Science, pp.161-187. c.Bar-Yosef, O., 2001, The World Around Cyprus:From Epi-Paleolithic Foragers to the Collapse of The PPNB Civilization, The Earliest Prehistoryof Cyprus: From Colonization to Exploitation ,Boston: American Schools of Oriental Research,Archaeological Reports, pp. 129-164. [45] d’Errico, F., et al., 2012, Early Evidence of San Material Culture Represented by Organic Artifacts from Border Cave, S outh A fr ica,Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciencesof the United States of America , 10 9 (33),pp.13214-13219. [46] a.Conard, N.J., Uerpmann, H.P., 1999, Die Grabung 1997 und 1998 im Hohle Felsbei Schelklingen, Alb-Donau-Kreis, Archaeolgische Ausgrabungen in Baden-Wuerttemberg (1998) ,pp.47-52. b.同[31]a。 [47] 同[37]。 [48] 同[41]。 [49] 同[44]c。 [50] 北京大学考古文博学院、江西省文物考古研究所:《仙人洞与吊桶环》,文物出版社,2014年。 [51] Marshack, A., 1972, Upper Paleolithic Notation and Symbol, Science, 178, pp. 817-828. [52] a. d’Errico , F., Henshilwood, C. S. & Nilssen, P., 2001, An Engraved Bone Fragment from ca. 75 Kyr Middle Stone Age Levels at Blombos Cave, South Africa: Implications for the Origin of Symbolism and Language, Antiquity , 75, pp.309-318. b. Henshilwood, C. S., d’Errico, F. & Watts, I.2009, Engraved Ochres from the Middle Stone Age Levels at Blombos Cave, South Africa,Journal of Human Evolution , 57, pp.27-47. c.同[23]b。 [53] Zhang, S.Q. et al., 2016, Ma’anshan Cave and the Origin of Bone Tool Technology in China, Journal of Archaeological Science , 65, pp.57-69. [54] 福建省文物局等:《福建三明万寿岩旧石器时代遗址1999~2000、2004年考古发掘报告》,文物出版社,2006年。 [55] 宁夏文物考古研究所、中国科学院古脊椎动物与古人类研究所:《水洞沟:2003~2007年度考古发掘与研究报告》,科学出版社,2013年。 [56] a.同[ 5 ] 。 b.陈铁梅等:《山顶洞遗址的第二批加速器质谱14C年龄数据与讨论》,《人类学学报》1992年第2期。 [57] 辽宁省文物考古研究所:《小孤山—辽宁海城史前洞穴遗址综合研究》,科学出版社,2009年。 [58] Qu, T.L. et al., 2013, The Chinese Upper Paleolithic:Geography, Chronology, and Techno-typology,Journal of Archaeological Research , 21, pp.1-73. [59] 中国社会科学院考古研究所等:《桂林甑皮岩》,文物出版社,2003年。 [60] 同[50]。 [61] a.Yuan, J., 2002, Rice and Pottery 10000 Yrs.BP at Yuchanyan, Dao County, Hunan Province,The Origins of Pottery and Agriculture , New Delhi: Roli Books, pp.157-166. b.袁家荣:《湖南旧石器时代文化与玉蟾岩遗址》,岳麓书社,2013年。 [62] 同[59]。 [63] 周国兴:《再论白莲洞文化》,见《中日古人类与史前文化渊源关系国际学术研讨会论文集》,中国国际广播出版社,1994年。 [64] 邱立诚等:《广东阳春独石仔新石器时代洞穴遗址发掘》,《考古》1982年第5期。 [65] a.同[53]。 b.张森水:《穿洞史前遗址(1981年发掘)初步研究》,《人类学学报》1981年第2期。 c. 曹泽田:《猫猫洞的骨器和角器研究》,《人类学学报》1982年第1期。 [66] Szabó, K., et al., 2007, Shell Artifact Production at 32000-28000 BP in Island Southeast Asia:Thinking Across Media? Current Anthropology ,48, pp.701-723. [67] 同[59]。 [68] a.同[66]。 b. Szabó, K., Koppel, B., 2015, Limpet Shells as Unmodified Tools in Pleistocene Southeast Asia:An Experimental Approach to Assessing Fracture and Modification, Journal of Archaeological Science , 54, pp.64-76. [69] Toth, N., Woods, M., 1989, Molluscan Shell Knives and Experimental Cut-Marks on Bones, Journal of Field Archaeology , 16(2), pp.250-255. [70] 曲彤丽、Conard, N.:《德国旧石器时代晚期骨角器研究及启示》,《人类学学报》2013年第2期。 [71] 陈宥成、曲彤丽:《试析华北地区距今1万年左右的社会复杂现象》,《中原文物》2012年第3期。 (责任编辑:admin) |