⑧Mi Chu Wiens居蜜，“Changes in the Fiscal and Rural Control Systems in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,” Ming Studies 3（1976）， pp. 53-69.对照Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giráldez, “Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity through the Mid-Eighteenth Century,” Journal of World History 13.2（Fall 2002）， pp. 391-427。
    ⑨Edward Farmer, “Social Regulations of the First Ming Emperor,” in Kwang-Ching Liu, ed., Orthodoxy in Late Imperial China, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990, pp. 116-123.对照Ray Huang, Taxation and Government Finance in Sixteenth-Century China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974, pp. 1-6。明代的经济发展也部分得益于唐宋时期的经济革命，以及之前几个朝代的传统贸易和税收系统。参阅Yü Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967, and Mark Elvin, The Pattern of the Chinese Past, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973。
    ⑩对照Clunas, Superfluous Things: Material Culture and Social Status in Early Modern China, UK: Polity Press, 1991, pp. 141-165, and Tim Brook, The Confusions of Pleasure: Commerce and Culture in Ming China, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999, pp. 129-138，他们考察了朱熹和王阳明在晚明的影响力。另参阅Cynthia Brokaw, The Ledgers of Merit and Demerit: Social Change and Moral Order in Late Imperial China, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991, pp. 17-27。
    （11）Clunas, Superfluous Things, pp. 91-115, and Brook, The Confusions of Pleasure, pp. 190-228.
    （12）参阅《透过历史的棱镜：16至18世纪中国美术中的古物学传统》（Through the Prism of the Past: Antiquarian Trends in Chinese Art of the 16th to 18th Century）， Taibei: National Palace Museum台北“故宫博物院”出版社2003年版，passim.另参阅Wu Renshu巫仁恕，“Wan Ming de lüyou huodong yu xiaofei wenhua-yi Jiangnan wei taolun zhongxin晚明的旅游活动与消费文化--以江南为讨论中心”，Jindai shi yanjiu suo jikan近代史研究所集刊（Academia Sinica, Taiwan）41（2003），pp. 87-141。
    （13）Wang Yangming, Wang Wencheng quanshu王文成全书， Taibei: Shangwu yinshu guan, 1983, p.2.9a
    （14）Craig Clunas, “Jade Carvers and Their Customers in Ming China,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society 50（1985-1986）， pp. 69-85.
    （15）参阅Francesca Bray, Technology and Society in Ming China（1368-1644）， Washington, D. C.: American Historical Association, 2001 。另参阅Mark Elvin, “Skills and Resources in Late Traditional China,” in Elvin, ed., Another History: Essays on China From a European Perspective, Canberra: Wild Peony, 1996, p. 73。
    （16）Brook, The Confusions of Pleasure, pp. 30-57.
    （17）Craig Dietrich, “Cotton Culture and Manufacture in Early Modern China”, in W. E. Willmont, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972, and Nishijima Sadao 西嶋定生， “The Formation of the Early Chinese Cotton Industry”, trans. Linda Grove, in Grove and Christian Daniels, eds., State and Society in China: Japanese Perspectives on Ming-Qing Social and Economic History, Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1984, pp. 17-77。对照Tanaka Masatoshi 田中正俊，“Rural Handicraft in Jiangnan in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” trans. Grove, in Grove and Daniels, eds., State and Society in China, pp. 79-100。这些文化含义， 参阅Brook, The Confusions of Pleasure, pp. 218-222。
    （18）Shigeta Atsushi重田德， “The Origins and Structure of Gentry Rule,” trans. Christian Daniels, in Grove and Daniels, eds., State and Society in China, pp. 335-385.
    （19）Mi Chu Wiens居蜜， “Cotton Textile Production and Rural Social Transformation in Early Modern China”, Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong 7.2（1974）， pp.515-534.
    （20）Shih Min-hsiung, The Silk Industry in Chíng China, translated by E-tu Zen Sun, Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1976, pp. 9-28, 介绍了丝绸生产。对照Francesca Bray, Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Later Imperial China, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997 。
    （21）Brook, Confusions, pp. 219-222, and Clunas, Superfluous Things, pp. 153-158.
    （22）Angela Leung, “Organized Medicine in Ming-Chíng China”, Late Imperial China 8.1（1987）， pp. 134-166.
    （23）Bray, Technology and Society, pp. 2-6.另参阅Andre Gunder Frank, Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998, pp. 108-117。
    （24）John Ayers and Rose Kerr, Blanc De Chine: Porcelain from Dehua, Chicago: Art Media Resources, 2002, Chuimei Ho, “The Ceramic Trade in Asia, 1602-1682,” in A. J. H. Latham and Heita Kawakatsu, eds., Japanese Industrialization and the Asian Economy, London: Routledge, 1994, p. 39, and Brook, Confusions, p. 206.另见第5章的讨论。
    （25）参阅Mingdai taoci daquan明代陶瓷大全， Taibei: Yishujia chuban she, 1983, pp. 8-71.另参阅Zhongguo taoci shi中国陶瓷史， Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1982, pp. 357-414, and Craig Clunas, “The Cost of Ceramics and the Cost of Collecting Ceramics in the Ming Period,” Bulletin of the Oriental Ceramic Society of Hong Kong 8（1986-1988）， pp. 47-53 。
    （26）Michael Dillon, “Jingdezhen as a Ming Industrial Center,” Ming Studies 6（Spring 1978）， pp. 37-44, and Song Yingxing, Tien-kung k‘ai-wu: Chinese Industry in the Seventeenth Century, trans. E-tu Zen Shun and Shiou-chuan Sun, University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 1966.
    （27）Sakai Tadao酒井忠夫，“Confucianism and Popular Education Works”，in Wm. Theodore de Bary et al.，Self and Society in Ming Thought, New York: Columbia University Press, 1970, pp. 331-341.类书通常是逐字引证，而不是对知识进行概括。参阅Michael Loewe, The Origin and Development of Chinese Encyclopedias, London: China Society Occasional Paper 25, 1987。
    （28）Wang Zhenghua王正华，“Shenghuo, zhishi yu wenhua shangpin: wan Ming Fujian ban’riyong leishu‘yu qi shuhua men”生活、知识与文化商品：晚明福建版日用类书与其书画门，Jindai shi yanjiu suo jikan近代史研究所集刊（Academia Sinica, Taiwan）41（2003），pp.1-83.
    （29）参阅Patrick Hanan, The Chinese Vernacular Story, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981, pp. 60-61, and Hanan, “The Sources of the Chin P’ing Mei,” Asia Major 10（1963）， p. 60。对照Shang Wei, “Jin Ping Mei Cihua and Late Ming Print Culture,” in Judith Zeitlin and Lydia Liu, eds., Writing and Materiality in China: Essays in Honor of Patrick Hanan, Cambridge: Harvard Asian Monograph Series, 2003, pp. 187-231, and Shang, “The Making of the Everyday World: Jin Ping Mei and Encyclopedias for Daily Use,” in David Wang and Shang Wei, eds., Dynastic Decline and Cultural Innovation: From the Late Ming to the Late Qing, Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2005, pp. 63-92。
    （30）对照Irene Bloom, “On the‘Abstraction’ of Ming Thought: Some Concrete Evidence From the Philosophy of Lo Ch‘ inshun,” in Wm. Theodore de Bary and Bloom, eds., Principle and Practicality: Essays in NeoConfucianism and Practical Learning, New York: Columbia University Press, 1979, p. 106。
    （31）Onozawa Seiichi小野沢精一et al., Ki no shisō： Chūgoku ni okeru shizenkan to ningenkan no tenkai気の思想： 中国における自然観と人間観の展開， Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1978, pp. 473-489, and Elman, “The Revaluation of ’Benevolence‘（Jen）in Chíng Dynasty Evidential Research,” in Richard Smith and Daniel Kwok, eds., Cosmology Ontology, & Human Efficacy: Essays in Chíng Thought, Honolulu: University of Hawaií Press, 1993, pp. 59-80.另参阅Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994, pp. 68-112。
    （32）对照Nicholas Jardine and Emma Spary, “The Natures of Cultural History,” in Jardine, J. A. Secord, and Spary, eds., Cultures of Natural History, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 3-13。
    （33）Yü Ying-shih, “Some Preliminary Observations on the Rise of Ch’ing Confucian Intellectualism,” Tsing Hua journal of Chinese Studies 11（1975）， pp. 105-146.