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①关于出使人员，参见此书中的名单：T.C.Lounghis,Les ambassades byzantines en Occident,Athens:K Mihalas,1980,pp.157-197,472-477；关于连通性，参见P.Horden and N.Purcell,The Corrupting Sea,Oxford:Blackwell,2000,pp.123-172；关于总体的交流情况，参见M.McCormick,Origins of the European Economy,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2001,pp.123-500。本文主要是为了2002年5月的敦巴顿橡胶园会议准备的，这里略有改动并附加注脚。我非常感谢David Abulafia,Pino Petralia和那些DOP的匿名读者，他们的批评对本文很重要(该书第173页注释①也提到这一点)。我将在Framing the Early Middle Ages,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2005,chap.11更深地讨论本文的一些观点。 ②关于Theophanō，可以参见A.Davids,ed.,The Empress Theophano,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1995；关于釉器，见该书第172页注释①、第176页注释①、第179页注释①。 ③McCormick,Origins of the European Economy,pp.129-134; Hugeburc,Hodoeporicon,ed.,O.Holder-Egger in MGH,SS 15.1,Hannover:Hahnsche Buchhandlung,1887,pp.86-106. ④关于三种交换类型(礼物、再分配、商业)的社会含义，有三位经典理论家，他们是Marcel Mauss(The Gift,trans by W.D.Halls,London:Routledge,1990),Karl Polanyi(e.g,in idem,C.M.Arensberg,and H.Pearson,Trade and Market in the Early Empires,Glencoe:Henry Regnery,III,1957,pp.243-270),以及Karl Marx(e.g,in Capital,I,chap.1.4,trans.by E.and C.Paul,London:J.M.Dent,1930,pp.43-58)。关于他们之间的不同，近来有一些界定，参见A.E.Laiou,"Economic and Non-Economic Exchange," in eadem ed.,The Economic History of Byzantium,Washington,D.C.:Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection,2002,pp.681-696。 ⑤关于它们在中世纪早期的连续性，参见McCormick,Origins of the European Economy,pp.708-716。 ⑥C.Panella,"Merci e scambi nel Mediterraneo in età tardoantica," in A.Carandini et al eds,Storia di Roma,Vol.3.2,Turin:Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinese,1993,pp.613-697;其他文献包括J.W.Hayes,Late Roman Pottery,London:British School at Rome,1972; P.Reynolds,Trade in the Western Mediterranean,AD 400-700,BAR I 604,Oxford:Tempus Reparatum,1995; S.Kingsley and M.Decker eds.,Economy and Exchange in the East Mediterranean during Late Antiquity,Oxford:Oxbow,2001。关于纺织品的规模，可以参见P.van Minnen,"The Volume of the Oxyrhynchite Textile Trade," Münstersche Beitr  ⑦L.Sagui,"I1 deposito della Cripta Balbi," in eadem ed.,Ceramica in Italia:Ⅵ-Ⅶ secolo,Florence:All' insegna del giglio,1998,pp.305-330. ⑧J.Abu-Lughod,Before European Hegemony,Oxford:Oxford University Press,1989.对于从西方到东方的一些细节，参见O.R.Constable,Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1994; S.D.Goitein,A Mediterranean Society,Vol.1,Berkeley:University of California Press,1967; K.N.Chaudhuri,Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1985。 ⑨McCormick,Origins of the European Economy,pp.508-798.关于意大利兴起(至少到13世纪)的过程中军事因素之于商业因素的重要地位，参见G.Petralia,"Le 'navi' ei 'cavalli'," Quaderni storici,103(2000),pp.201-222。 ⑩McCormick,Origins of the European Economy,pp.501-569. (11)目前最流行的关于埃及陶器规模的简介是D.M.Bailey,Excavations at El-Ashmunein,Vol 5,London:British Museum Press,1998，其中列举了大量参考文献。 (12)关于3世纪的俄克喜林库斯，参见van Minnen,"Textile Trade"。关于9世纪的法尤姆，参见Y.Rāgib,Marchands d'étoffes du Fayyoum au Ⅲe/Ⅸe siècle,Vol.1,Cairo:Institut  d'archéologie,1982：出版的文献通常提及古斯。谈到10世纪，Ibn Hawqal强调亚麻的突出作用；Bahnasā也强调羊毛的重要性：Ibn Hawqal,Configuration de la terre,trans.by J.H.Kramers and G.Wiet,vol 1,Paris:Maisonneuve et Larose,1964,pp.135-137,150-151,156-157。关于11世纪戈尼萨纺织品，参见Goitein,A Mediterranean Society,Vol 1,pp.99-108,224-228；到此时，在一个更复杂的经济体中，埃及亚麻通常在突尼斯和西西里纺成线。 (13)关于税收暴动，参见k.Morimoto,The Fiscal Administration of Egypt in the Early Islamic Period,Kyoto:Dohosha,1981,pp.145-172。 (14)E.g.,Bailey,El-Ashmunein,5:pp.1-8,118-125; P.Ballet and M.Picon,"Recherches préliminaires sur les origines de la céramique des Kellia," Cahiers de la céramique égyptienne 1(1987),pp.17-48。 (15)V.  Céramiques médiévales à Alexandrie,Cairo:Institut  d'archéologie orientale,1999,p.9,13-19,157,181；关于戈尼萨文献，见Goitein,A Mediterranean Society,Vol 1,pp.101-105,153-155,224-226。 (16)关于大量参考书目指南，参见C.Foss,"Syria in Transition,A.D.pp.550-750," DOP,51(1997),pp.189-269; J.-P Sodini and E.Villeneuve,"Le passage de la céramique byzantine à la céramique omeyyade en Syrie du Nord,en Palestine et en Transjordanie," in P.Canivet and J.-P Rey-Coquais eds.,La Syrie de Byzance à Islam,Ⅵ.le-Ⅷe siécles,Damascus:Institut  de Damas,1992,pp.197-218; A.Walmsley,"Production,Exchange and Regional Trade in the Islamic East Mediterranean," in I.L Hansen and C.Wickham eds.,The Long Eighth Century,Leiden:Brill,2000,pp 263-343。关于凯撒里亚,见最新成果A.Raban et al,"Land Excavations in the Inner Harbour(1993-1994)," in Caesarea Papers 2,ed.K G.Holum et al.,Journal of Roman Archaeology suppl ser.35(Portsmouth,R.I.,1999),pp.198-224。 (17)优质陶瓷流布的范围，参见Walmsley,"Production,Exchange," pp.321-326。双耳瓶分布的规模，可以参见ibid.,pp.326-329; P Watson,"Change in Foreign and Regional Economic Links with Pella in the Seventh Century A.D.," in La Syrie,pp.233-248; J.Magness,Jerusalem Ceramic Chronology,circa 200-800 CE,Sheffield:JSOT Press,1993,pp.160-161,221-231。对玛弗佳器皿，还没有人将其作为一种类型进行深入研究，参见一篇基础性的文章，"The Chronology of Capernaum in the Early Islamic Period," JAOS,117(1997),pp.481-486,at 484。 (18)Walmsley,"Production,Exchange," pp.329-331; A.Northedge,"Les origines de la céramique à  polychrome dans le monde islamique," in La céramique médiévale en Méditerranée.Actes du 6e congrès,Aix-en-Provence:Narration Editions,1997,pp.213-223，该文作者给出的日期略有推后。 (19)关于这些地方性的陶器，参见N.Poulou-Papademetriou,"Bνζαvπνη κεpαμκη απo τoν ελληυκó νησιωτικó χωpo και απó την πελoπóννησo(7οζ-9οζαι.)," in E.Kountoura-Galake ed,Oι σκoτεινoι αιωνεζ τoν Bνζαντιoν(7οζ-9οζαι.),Athens:The National Hellenic Research Foundation,Institute for Byzantine Research,2001,pp.231-266,esp.236-237；关于手工陶器，参见E.Anagnostakes and N.Poulou-Papademetriou,"Hπρωτoβυζαυτιvη Mεσσηυ(5οζ;-7οζαιωαζ)και πρoβληματα τηζ χειρoπoιητηζ κεραμικηζ στην πελoπóννησo",Symmeikta,11(1997),pp.229-322；关于多瑙河北部，参见E.Curta,The Making of the Slavs,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2001,pp.233-234,285-310。关于西班牙的相应论述，参见S.Gutierrez Lloret,La cora de Tudmīr de la antigüedad tardía al mundo islámico,Madrid:Collection de la Casa de Velázquez,1996,pp.187-198。我很高兴看到Archie Dunn、Sharon Gerstel、Andrea Berlin的意见和批评；他们指出了资料的暂时性。 (20)J.W.Hayes,Excavations at Sarachane in Istanbul,Vol.2.,The Pottery,Princeton:Princeton University Press,1992,pp.18,71-72; Poulou-Papademetriou,"Bυζαvπνη κεpαμκη," pp.238-240,245-247; P Arthur,"Early Medieval Amphorae,the Duchy of Naples and the Food Supply of Rome," PBSR,62(1993),pp.231-244. (21)Theophanes,C.de Boor ed.,Chronographia,2 Vols.,Leipzig:B.G.Teubner,1883-1885,1:pp.469-470; W.Ashburner ed.,Nomos Rodiōn nautikos,The Rhodian Sea Law,Oxford:Clarendon Press,1909,chaps.pp.3,9-11,15,22-25,etc.; J.F.Haldon,"Production,Distribution and Demand in the ByzantineWorld,c.pp.660-840," in The Long Eighth Century(见该书第171页注释①)，pp.225-264.下一阶段，参见  .Patlagean,"Byzance.et les marchés du grand commerce,vers 830-vers 1030," Settimane,40(1993),pp.587-632。A.E.Laiou,"Exchange and Trade,Seventh-Twelfth Centuries",Economic History of Byzantium(见该书第164页注释①)，pp.697-770，该文论及整个周期；她更看重不受国家指导的商业，但同时也强调国家需求和控制对广阔的拜占庭交换网的重要性(例如，pp.713,735-736)。 (22)可以大致参阅C.Wickham,"Early Medieval Archaeology in Italy," Archeologia medievale,26(1999),pp.7-20; idem,"Aristocratic Power in Eighth-Century Lombard Italy",in A.C.Murray ed.,After Rome's Fall,Toronto:University of Toronto Press,1998,pp.153-170。 (23)关于威尼斯，参见McCormick,Origins of the European Economy,pp.330-335,523-531,729-777。关于罗讷走廊的劣势，参见S.Loseby,"Marseille and the Pirenne Thesis,Ⅱ," in The Long Eighth Century(见该书第171页注释①)，pp.167-193；而必须阅读的是，C.A.T.H.M.A,"Céramiques languedociennes du haut moyen  (Ⅶe-Ⅺe s)," Archéologie du Midi médiéval,11(1993),pp.111-228,at pp.122-125。 (24)L Paroli,"La ceramica invetriata tardoantica e medievale nell' Italia centro-meridionale," in idem ed.,La ceramica invetriata tardoantica e altomedievale in Italia,Florence; All'insegna del giglio,1992,pp 33-61; Arthur,"Early Medieval Amphorae"; F.Ardizzone,"Rapporti commerciali tra la Sicilia occidentale e il Tirreno centro-meridionale nell,'Ⅷ secolo alla luce del rinvenimento di alcuni contenitori di trasporto," in G.P.Brogiolo ed.,II congresso nazionale di archeologia medievale,Florence:All'insegna del giglio,2000,pp.402-407. (25)C.Morrisson,"La Sicile byzantine," Numismatica e antichità classiche,27(1998),pp.307-334；可以大致参见Haldon,"Production,Distribution," pp.245-247；关于考古，参见A.Molinari,"Le campagne siciliane tra il periodo bizantino e quello arabo," in E.Boldrini and R.Francovich eds.,Acculturazione e mutamenti,Florence:All' insegna del giglio,1995,pp.223-239。 (26)McCormick,Origins of the European Economy,pp.502-508；关于广场花瓶，参见Paroli,"La ceramica invetriata"。 (27)最新的权威综述参见P.Jones,The Italian City-State,Oxford:Oxford University Press,1997,pp.173-204。 (28)Goitein,A Mediterranean Society,Vol 1,pp.101-120.关于突尼斯陶器出口，参见G.Berti and L.Tongiorgi,I bacini ceramici me-dievali delle chiese di Pisa,Rome:L' Erma Di Bretschneider,1981,pp.162-175；关于产品，参见A.Daouatli,"La céramique médievale en Tunisie," Africa,13(1995),pp.189-204。关于突尼斯的总体繁荣，参见C.Vanacker,"La géographie économique de l' Afrique du Nord selon les auteurs arabes,du Ⅸe sièicle au milieu du Ⅻe siècle," Annales ESC,28(1973),pp.659-680。釉器来自伊拉克，并在9世纪出现在埃及(参见该书第172页注释①)，正如开罗的Istabl' Antar考古遗址所显示：C.Vogt,"Les céramiques omeyyades et abbassides d' Istabl' Antar-Fostat," in La céramique médiévale,6e congrès(参考该书第172页注释①),pp.243-259,at pp.248-250。9世纪传播到突尼斯和西班牙(e.g.,Gutiérrez,La cora,pp.191-194)；10世纪中叶到达西西里(A.Molinari,"La produzione e la circolazione delle ceramiche siciliane nei secoli Ⅹ-ⅫⅠ," in Atti del Vcolloquio internazionale sulla ceramica medievale nel Mediterraneo occidentale[Rabat,1995],pp.191-204)。一个世纪之前，釉器曾沿北部一线从君士坦丁堡向罗马传播，这里提到的技术西传与北线是平行的，但它出现在一个程度更深和密集的交换网络中。10世纪后期Ibn Hawqal的地理著作描写后者很到位(Ibn Hawqal,Configuration,Vol.1)；需要说明的是他对地中海北部知之甚少(1:pp.190-200)。 (29)关于西班牙的大致情况，参见Constable,Trade and Traders in Muslim Spain,pp.31-37，以及全书。 (责任编辑：admin) |