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20世纪初美国劳工外交理念的一次重大转变(6)

http://www.newdu.com 2017-09-06 《南开学报:哲学社会科 王心扬 参加讨论

    
    
    美国学者赛米昂·拉森(Simeon Larson)曾经指出:“劳联的外交政策在本质上常常是模糊不清和空泛的。它不是建立在一个具体哲学的基础之上,(而)是按照劳联的实际需要而出现各种变化。”(64)拉森认为劳联的外交政策是按照实际需要而出现各种变化,这个观点无疑是正确的。在19世纪末到第一次世界大战,美国劳工的外交思想确实经历了重大转变:从反对美西战争到支持美国参加一战。然而,劳联外交政策不是建立在一个具体哲学基础之上的观点却值得商榷。我们从本篇的讨论中了解到,在劳联外交思想转变的背后实际上有一个不变的原则,就是捍卫技术工人的经济利益。劳联最初反对扩张主义,是担心殖民地的建立会导致大量移民涌入美国同本土工人争夺工作机会。后来它支持美国参加一战,是想通过与威尔逊合作换取政府承认工会和工人进行集体交涉的权利,以及借美国向外扩张之机在其他国家建立劳联式的工会。其目的还是为了在资本主义体制之内进行经济斗争。很显然,美国劳工外交思想的几次转变不过是为了维护经济工联主义而采取的不同策略而已。对劳工外交思想的讨论不但使我们能够比较全面地观察美国外交方针的运作过程,而且也使我们从外交史的视野进一步了解到美国主流劳工的保守性格。以劳联为代表的主流劳工既然不主张改变资本主义制度,既然拥护经济工联主义,这就决定了它在国内和国际事务上最终都会同政府进行合作。
    (北京大学王立新教授曾阅读过本文的初稿,并提出许多宝贵意见,谨此致谢!)
    注释:
    ①从20世纪60年代开始,这种忽视民间团体外交活动的倾向开始有所转变,美国学术界陆续出现了一批探讨美国工会外交活动的书籍和论文。不过在总体上,研究劳工外交活动的著作仍然为数不多。在中国国内更是绝少见到探讨美国劳工外交活动的著作。
    ②本文中所谓“美国主流劳工”虽然也包括其他工会,但主要是指美国劳联,因为从19世纪80年代劳联的成立到20世纪30年代产联的出现这半个世纪里,劳联始终是会员最多以及在美国社会和政治生活中影响最大的工会组织。到一战前夕,它的会员人数已经增加到230万,因此劳联常常被称为“劳工之家(the House of Labor)”。
    ③经济工联主义者不承认工人和资本家之间的关系是对立的和不可调和的,他们不提倡阶级斗争,不赞成改变资本主义制度,而是主张在资本主义体制之内通过和雇主进行集体交涉来提高工人的生活水准。由于他们不主张进行旨在改变资本主义制度的政治斗争,所以像美国劳联这样的工会始终反对同任何左翼政党发生关系,而是强调所谓“自由工会”的原则。另一方面,左翼和激进的劳工运动往往主张通过政治斗争改变资本主义制度,这种思想一般被称为政治工联主义。
    ④美国在19世纪尚未形成系统的扩张主义政策,并不代表它的外交方针完全不具有侵略性。它在1844年趁中国在鸦片战争中战败之机,挟制清政府签订《中美望厦条约》,获得治外法权和最惠国待遇等多项特权,在1848年美墨战争中侵占了墨西哥大量领土,以及在1853年利用炮舰政策迫使日本打开国门,都意味着美国19世纪的孤立主义政策并非毫无侵略性。然而,和19世纪90年代后的情况相比,系统的扩张主义政策毕竟尚未形成。
    ⑤Ronald Radosh, American Labor and United States Foreign Policy, New York : Random House, 1969, p. 5.
    ⑥Ernest H. Crossby, “Work and War”, American Federationist, Vol. 2, December 1895, p. 221.
    ⑦“The Workingman’s Support of International Arbitration”, Century Illustrated Magazine, Vol. 52, No. 4, August 1896, p. 634.
    ⑧“Should Hawaii be Annexed?”, American Federationist, Vol. 4, No. 9, November 1897, p. 217.
    ⑨Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, Vol. 2, From the Founding of the American Federation of Labor to the Emergence of American Imperialism, New York: International Press, 1975, p. 408.
    ⑩The New York Times, April 18, 1898.
    (11)The New York Times, December 26, 1898.
    (12)“Excerpts from Accounts of the 1898 Convention of the AFL in Kansas City, Mo. ”, December 14, 1898, in Stuart B. Kanfman ed. , The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 5, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986, p. 43, p. 46.
    (13)Samuel Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor, an Autobiography, Ithaca: ILR Press, New York State School of Industrial and Labor Relations, Cornell University, 1984, p. 187.
    (14)“Coast Seamen’s Journal, No. 27, August 19, 1914, cited in Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, Vol.7, Labor and World War Ⅰ, 1914 - 1918, New York : International Publishers, 1987, p. 42.
    (15)“Gompers to the Executive Council of the AFL”, February 4, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 4.
    (16)“Gompers to the Executive Council of the AFL”, February 28, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 18, pp.20-21, footnote 1.
    (17)“An Address at the Organizational Meeting of the Committee on Labor of the Advisory Commission of the Council of National Defense”, April 2, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 51.
    (18)The New York Times, Sept. 6, 1917.
    (19)Report of the Proceedings of the Thirty - Seventh Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, 1917, Washington, D. C. : The Law Reporter Printing Company, 1917, p. 291.
    (20)The New York Times, July 19, July 20, 1915.
    (21)“Abraham Baroff to Samuel Gompers” , April 16, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 61.
    (22)“Gompers to Santiago Iglesias”, May 11, 1918, cited in Simeon Larson, Labor and Foreign Policy, Gompers, the AFL, and the First World War, 1914-1918, Cranbury: Associated University Presses, 1975,pp.119-120.应该指出的是,劳联领导人并非每次都能成功地阻止工人的罢工行动。但他们支持威尔逊政府战争政策的苦心是不容置疑的。
    (23)关于英、法、意等国劳工的反战情绪,见“The Chief Danger of Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements in Eastern Europe:Revolutions in Western Europe”,The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 343.
    (24)The New York Times, March 29, 1918.
    (25)The New York Times, August 29, 1918.
    (26)Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor, Vol. 2, p. 418, cited in Radosh, American Labor and United States Foreign Policy, p. 160.
    (27)Radosh, American Labor and United States Foreign Policy, pp. 164 - 165, p. 171, p. 175.
    (28)“Gompers to Robert Lansing”, April 19, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers , Vol. 10, pp. 71 -72, footnote 2.
    (29)“Report of Vice - President Duncan as a Member of the American Mission to Russia”, Report of the Proceedings of the Thirty - Seventh Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, 1917, p. 326, pp. 336 -337.
    (30)The New York Times, July 2, 1917.
    (31)The New York Times, September 15, 1917.
    (32)“The Chief Danger of Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements in Eastern Europe: Revolutions in Western Europe”, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 343-344.
    (33)The New York Times, June 12, 1918.
    (34)The New York Times, September 4, 1917.
    (35)“William Buckler to Irwin Laughlin”, October 29, 1918, The Samuel Gompes, Papers, Vol.10,p.552.William Buckler当时是美国驻伦敦使馆的一位外交官,也是龚伯斯使团的成员之一。
    (36)“William Buckler to Irwin Laughlin”, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 555, footnote 15.
    (37)“William Buckler to Irwin Laughlin”, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 553.
    (38)很多学者都认为第一次世界大战是一场帝国主义战争,但是学术界关于这个问题也存在不同看法。有学者认为,帝国主义野心、民族主义、地缘政治因素以及当时流行的政治和道德信念都是导致一战爆发的原因,将这次战争仅仅归结为帝国主义国家之间的角逐不够全面。见James Joll,The Origins of the First World War, London and New York: Longman, 1992.然而,考虑到奥匈帝国、英国、德国和沙俄等帝国主义国家参战的主要动机——争夺领土和势力范围,等等,我个人仍然认为,第一次世界大战在总体上是一场帝国主义战争。
    (39)Samuel Gompers, “An Address at the Organizational Meeting of the Committee on Labor of the Advisory Committee of the Council of National Defense”, April 2, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 50.
    (40)Gompers, “An Address before the Fifty - Fourth Annual Convention of the New York State Federation of Labor in Jamestown, N. Y. ’, August 29, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 203.
    (41)“America First, Gompers’s Aim”, The Samuel Gompers Papers , Vol. 10, p. 258.
    (42)Jos R. Buchanan, “Labor and the War”, Voice of Labor, May 14, 1898, in Philip S. Foner and Richard C. Winchester eds. , The Anti - Imperialist Reader: A Documentary History of Anti - Imperialism in the United States, Vol. 1, From the Mexican War to the Election of 1900, New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1984, pp. 186-187.
    (43)“The Time for Action”, Coast Seamen’s Journal, April 27, 1898, in Foner and Winchester eds. , The Anti-Imperialist Reader, Vol.1, pp. 191 - 192.
    (44)Ernest H. Crossby, “Work and War”, American Federationist, Vol. 2, December 1895, p. 221.
    (45)“Should Hawaii be Annexed?”, American Federationist, Vol. Ⅳ, No. 9, November 1897, pp. 215-216.
    (46)The New York Times, April 18, 1898.
    (47)“Samuel Gompers to Ed O’Donnell, August 13, 1898”, Samuel Gompers Papers, American Federation of Labor Archives, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, in Foner and Winchester eds. , The Anti -Imperialist Reader, Vol. 1, p. 196; See also Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor, p.188.龚伯斯将亚洲移民称为奴隶式劳工,有其深刻的历史根源。在美国历史上,特别是在工业化时期,资本家往往喜欢雇用移民工人,尤其是有色人种工人,因为后者出于种种原因比较容易接受低于本土工人的工资。在本土工人看来,凡是愿意接受低工资的人都是奴隶式的劳工,因为这种劳工成本很低,生活水准接近奴隶。在19世纪后期,当本土工人提到奴隶式劳工时,往往是指亚洲移民。
    (48)Gompers, “Speech before the National Committee of the Chicago Peace Jubilee”, American Federationist, Vol. 5, October 18, 1898, pp. 182 - 183.
    (49)应该指出的是,美国的扩张主义政策在不同时期会有不同的表现形式。在美西战争前后,它的扩张主义主要是表现在领土扩张上,而到了一战前后,则主要表现在经济和贸易的扩张上。就美国劳工来说,他们在19世纪末反对战争和反对扩张主义,主要是担心领土扩张会导致殖民地人口大量涌入美国。然而到了一战时期,他们意识到,美国经济贸易的扩张会给他们带来在境外推广经济工联主义的机会。因此,他们又变得支持战争和支持扩张政策了。不过,下面我们将会看到,虽然主流劳工从反对扩张转变为支持扩张,但他们维护美国工人经济利益的初衷则始终不变。
    (50)Report of the Proceedings of the Thirty -Seventh Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, 1917, p. 3.
    (51)Gompers, “To the Executive Council of the AFL”, February 28, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, pp. 18-19.
    (52)Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor, p. 186.
    (53)Gompers, “An Address before the Fifty - fourth Annual Convention of the New York State Federation of Labor in Jamestown, N. Y. ”, August 29, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 10, p. 205.
    (54)“American Labor’s Position in Peace or in War”, Report of the Proceedings of the Thirty -Seventh Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor, 1917, pp. 75-77.
    (55)“The Right to Organize”, Report of the Proceedings of the Thirty - Eighth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor,1918, Washington, D. C. : The Law Reporter Printing Company, 1918, p. 64.
    (56)Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor, p. 195.
    (57)Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor, p. 188.
    (58)Gompers, “Speech before the National Committee of the Chicago Peace Jubilee”, American Federationist, Vol. 5, October 18, 1898, p. 182.
    (59)Report of the Proceedings of the Twenty - Fourth Convention of the American Federation of Labor, 1904, Washington, D. C. : The Law Reporter Printing Company, 1904, p. 8, cited in David Montgomery, “Workers’ Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism: The Progressive Era Experience”, Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, January 2008, p. 21.
    (60)Report of the Proceedings of the Twenty - Fifth Convention of the American Federation of Labor, 1905, Washington, D. C. : The Law Reporter Printing Company, p. 17.
    (61)Montgomery, “Workers’ Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism”, pp. 22-28.
    (62)“A Circular by the Pan - American Federation of Labor Conference Committee”, February 9, 1917, The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol.10, pp. 9-10.
    (63)Coast Seamen’s Journal, October 17, 1917, cited in Larson, Labor and Foreign Policy, pp. 28-29.
    (64)Larson,Labor and Foreign Policy,p. 17. (责任编辑:admin)
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