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敞田制与英国的传统农业(6)

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(32)Paul Vinogradoff, The Growth of the Manor, London: George Allen, 1911, p. 174.
    (33)H. P. R. Finberg, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. I, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972, pp.417, 489.
    (34)H. P. R. Finberg, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. I, pp. 416-417.
    (35)H. P. R. Finberg, ed., The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. I, pp. 489-490.
    (36)H. S. A. Fox, "Approaches to the Adoption of the Midland System," pp. 84-85; Della Hooke, "Early Medieval Estate and Settlement Patterns: The Documentary Evidence," pp. 20-21.
    (37)Quoted in Della Hooke, "Early Medieval Estate and Settlement Patterns: The Documentary Evidence," p. 20.
    (38)标准的一英亩是22码宽,220码长,但实际上多数地区,特别是东南部地区的条田达不到这个数,有的只有半英亩,甚至三分之一英亩。
    (39)Quoted in Della Hooke, The Landscape of Anglo-Saxon England, London: Leicester University Press, 1998, p. 121.
    (40)H. P. R. Finberg, ed. , The Agrarian History of England and Wales, vol. I, p. 493.芬伯格认为英国敞田制的出现可能与斯堪的纳维亚人的入侵有关。
    (41)马克垚:《西欧封建经济形态研究》,第264—266页;David Hall, "The Origins of Open-Field Agriculture: The Archaeological Fieldwork Evidence," in Trevor Rowley, ed., The Origins of Open-Field Agriculture, p. 23; David Hall, Medieval Fields, Aylesbury: Shire Publications, 1982, p.6.
    (42)David Hall, "The Origins of Open-Field Agriculture: The Archaeological Fieldwork Evidence," pp. 23-25; David Hall, Medieval Fields, pp. 6-8.
    (43)David Hall, "Fieldwork and Documentary Evidence for the Layout and Organization of Early Medieval Estates in the English Midlands," in Kathleen Biddick, ed., Archaeological Approaches to Medieval Europe, Kalamazoo, Mich. : Medieval Institute Publications, 1984, pp. 44-49; David Hall, "Field Systems and Township Structure," in Michael Aston, David Austin and Christopher Dyer, eds., The Rural Settlements of Medieval England: Studies Dedicated to Maurice Beresford and John Hurst, pp. 193-194.
    (44)David Hall, "The Origins of Open-Field Agriculture: The Archaeological Fieldwork Evidence," p. 26.
    (45)David Hall, "The Late Saxon Countryside: Villages and Their Fields," p. 108.
    (46)R. H. Hilton, A Medieval Society: The West Midlands at the End of the Thirteenth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 15-22, quotation in p. 17.
    (47)Tacitus, Agricola, Germany, and Dialogue on Orators, p. 71.
    (48)Christopher Taylor, Village and Farmstead: A History of Rural Settlement in England, London: Book Club Associates, 1983, p. 116.
    (49)H. F. Hamerow, "Settlement Mobility and the 'Middle Saxon Shift': Rural Settlements and Settlement Patterns in Anglo-Saxon England, " Anglo-Saxon England, vol. 20, 1991, pp. 1-17 ; C. J. Arnold, An Archaeology of the Early Anglo Saxon Kingdoms, London: Routledge, 1997, pp. 33-66.
    (50)Stuart Losco-Bradley and Gavin Kinsley, Catholme: An Anglo-Sa:con Settlement on the Trent Gravels in Staffordshire, Nottingham: Department of Archaeology, University of Nottingham, 2002, pp. 28-30; Andrew Reynolds, "Boundaries and Settlements in Later Sixth to Eleventh-Century England," Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, vo1.12, 2003, pp. 98-136.
    (51)Stuart Losco-Bradley and Gavin Kinsley, Catholme: An Anglo-Saxon Settlement on the Trent Gravels in Staffordshire, pp. 12, 123-129.
    (52)Christopher Sparey Green, Excavation at Poundbury, Dorchester, Dorset, 1966-1982, vol. 1, Dorchester: Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society, 1987, pp. 71-92; Andrew Reynolds, "Boundaries and Settlements in Later Sixth to Eleventh-Century England, " p. 110.
    (53)David Hall, "The Late Saxon Countryside: Villages and Their Fields," pp. 101-102, 102, 103.
    (54)Paul Vinogradoff, Villainage in England, p. 254.
    (55)Robert A. Dodgshon, "The Landholding Foundation of the Open-Field System, " Past and Present, no. 67, 1975, pp. 3-29.
    (56)Lynn White, Jr., Medieval Technology and Social Change, Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1962, pp. 49-53; Lynn White, Jr., "The Expansion of Technology 500-1500," in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe: The Middle Ages, London: Collins, 1977, pp. 147-149.
    (57)Della Hooke, The Landscape of Anglo Saxon England, pp. 116-117.
    (58)David Hall, "The Late Saxon Countryside: Villages and Their Fields," pp. 116-120; Della Hooke, The Landscape of Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 119-120.
    (59)实际数字会上下波动,有的村只有3.5海德。有的多达5.25海德;海德也有大小之分,有合10维尔格特的海德,也有合12维尔格特的海德。David Hall, "The Late Saxon Countryside: Villages and Their Fields," pp. 116-120; David Hall, "Field Systems and Township Structure," pp. 194-196.
    (60)Bruce M. S. Campbell, "The Regional Uniqueness of English Field System? Some Evidence from Eastern Norfolk," pp. 16-28; Bruce M. S. Campbell, "Commonfield Origins: The Regional Dimension," in Trevor Rowley, ed., The Origins of OpenField Agriculture, pp. 112-129.
    (61)Christopher Dyer, "Power and Conflict in the Medieval English Village, " in Everyday Life inMedieval England, London: Hambledon and London, 2000, pp. 1-11, quotation in p. 11.
    (62)Stephen Parry, Raunds Area Survey: An Archaeological Study of the Landscape of Raunds, Northamptonshire 1985-94, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2006, p. 105.
    (63)John Moreland, "The Significance of Production in Eighth-Century England, " in Inge Lyse Hansen and Chris Wickham, eds., The Long Eighth Century, Leiden: Brill, 2000, pp. 69-104.
    (64)Susan Oosthuizen, "The Anglo-Saxon Kingdom of Mercia and the Origins and Distribution of Common Fields," Agricultural History Review, vol. 55, 2007, pp. 153-180.

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