(19)Memorandum from Vance to Johnson,“The Objective of my Mission,”February 20,1968,FRUS,1964-1968,Vol.29,document #181. (20)SNIE,14.2-68,“The Likelihood of Major Hostilities in Korea,”May 16,1968,FRUS,1964-1968,Vol.29,document #200.“The Likelihood of Major Hostilities in Korea”,Secret,Special National Intelligence Estimate,May 16,1968,Digital National Security Archive(美国Pro Quest公司出版的电子数据库“数字化国家安全档案”,以下简称DNSA),United States and the Two Koreas,Item No.:KO00008。 (21)朝鲜《劳动新闻》1967年4月8日和4月15日,转引自:Lee Yur-Bok and Wayne Patterson,eds.,Korean-American Relations,1866-1997,p.105。 (22)朝鲜《劳动新闻》1965年1月9日和1967年1月5日,转引自:Lee Yur-Bok and Wayne Patterson,eds.,Korean-American Relations,1866-1997,p.105。 (23)Airgram From the Embassy in Korea to the Department of State,February 5,1964,FRUS,1964-1968,Vol.29,document #3,Attachment #8. (24)General Charles Bonesteel Ⅲ to Joint Chiefs of Staff,November 3,1966,Korea Cables Vol.3,Box 255,Korea Country File,National Security File,Johnson Library. (25)王绳祖主编,《国际关系史》第9卷,第257页。 (26)Times(London),November 3,1966. (27)Vandon E.Jenerette,“The Forgotten Demilitarized Zone,”Military Review,May 1988,No.5,p.36. (28)James M.Wroth,“Korea:Our Next Vietnam?”Military Rewiew,November 1968,No.11,p.34. (29)Byung Chul Koh,The Foreign Policy of North Korea,p.147. (30)New York Times,June 20,1967,3. (31)New York Times,July 10,1967,7. (32)Byung Chul Koh,The Foreign Policy of North Korea,p.147. (33)Department of Defense,“Report of the 1971 Quadrennial Review of Military Compensation,”Washington,DC:Manpower and Reserve Affairs,17 March 1972,p.45.转引自:Vandon E.Jenerette,“The Forgotten Demilitarized Zone,”p.37。 (34)Memorandum from Ambassador of the GDR in the DPRK to State Secretary and First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs,December 8,1967,in Bernd Schaefer,North Korea“Adventurism”and China’s Long Shadow,1966-1972,Cold War International History Project,Working Paper #44,p.46,document #3. (35)New York Times,Janunry 29,1968,9; Nicholas Evan Sarantakes,“The Quiet War:Combat Operations Along the Korean Demilitarized Zones,1966-1969,”The Journal of Military History,Vol.64,No.2,2000.事发后,朝鲜政府声称是南朝鲜武装游击队所为(见:[朝]金日成:《金日成著作集》第22卷,平壤:朝鲜外国文出版社,1985年,第138页)。但是美国学者伯恩德·谢弗利用原民主德国的解密档案,证实“青瓦台事件”的确是朝鲜派遣的突击队所发动的(见:Bernd Schaefer,North Korea“Adventurism”and China’s Long Shadow,1966-1972,Cold War International History Project,Working Paper #44,p.22)。 (36)The New York Times,January 24-28,1968; The Chicago Daily News,February 8,1968. (37)[朝]金日成:《金日成著作集》第22卷,第113页。 (38)Vandon E.Jenerette,“The Forgotten Demilitarized Zone,”Military Review,May 1988,No.5,pp.38-39. (39)转引自:Lee Yur-Bok and Wayne Patterson,eds.,Korean-American Relations,1866-1997,p.108. (40)[朝]金日成:《关于我国革命的主体》第1卷,第514页。 (41)[朝]金日成:《金日成著作集》第21卷,平壤:朝鲜外国文出版社,1985年,第2页。 (42)Vandon E.Jenerette,“The Forgotten Demilitarized Zone,”Military Review,May 1988,No.5,p.41.另据东欧原社会主义国家罗马尼亚解密的文件,当时驻平壤的罗马尼亚外交官认为朝鲜在半岛采取的冒险行为,主要因为:(1)金日成强化“主体”意识形态的需要,通过加剧国际紧张局势,转移国内民众对经济发展缓慢的关注,同时防止挑战其权威的潜在的政治威胁出现;(2)朝鲜领导人希望在南朝鲜掀起一场类似于南越发生的革命运动,进而摧毁朴正熙政权;(3)朝鲜打算援助越南共产党并在亚洲开辟反对美国的第二条战线;(4)金日成希望通过采取激进的革命行动,迎合中国在文革期间较为激进的对外政策,从而积极改善中朝关系。见美国威尔逊国际学者中心北朝鲜国际文献项目部发布的解密文件集:NKIDP e-Dossier No.5,“New Romanian Evidence on the Blue House Raid and the USS Pueblo Incident,”http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/new-romanian-evidence-the-blue-house-raid-and-the-usspueblo-incident(2013年7月11日访问)。
(责任编辑:admin) |