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注释： ①在较新的入门书目中，“主权国家”往往被视为现代国际关系体系的先决条件。因而严格来讲，“国际关系”被认为只存在于近现代欧洲，并随着欧洲的扩张延展到全世界。例如Robert Jackson and Georg  ,Introduction to International Relations Theories and Approaches,Oxford:Oxford UniVersity Press,2013,pp.12-15.②Barry Buzan and Richard Little,International Systems in World History:Remaking the Study of International Relations,Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press,2000,pp.1-13; Raymond Westbrook and Raymond Cohen,eds.,Amarna Diplomacy:The Beginning of International Relations,Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,2000,pp.2-5；简要概述世界范围内上古和中古国际关系体系和思想(如希腊城邦、中国春秋战国等体系)的代表作品包括Adam Watson,The Evolution of International Society:A Comparative Historical Analysis Reissue with a New Introduction by Barry Buzan and Richard Little,Abingdon,London and New York:Routledge,2009. ③Barry Buzan and Richard Little,International Systems in World History:Remaking the Study of International Relations,pp.5-6. ④Andrew Williams,Amelia Hadfield and J.Simon Rofe,International History and International Relations,London and New York:Routledge,2012,p.13. ⑤Ibid.,p.14. ⑥Raymond Westbrook and Raymond Cohen,Amarna Diplomacy:The Beginning of International Relations,Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,2000. ⑦Barry Buzan and Richard Little,International Systems in World History:Remaking the Study of International Relations. ⑧Raymond Westbrook and Raymond Cohen,eds.,Amarna Diplomacy:The Beginning of International Relations,pp.4-6. ⑨参见Andrew Williams,Amelia Hadfield and J.Simon Rofe,International History and International Relations,pp.8-10; David Carr,Time,Narrative,and History,Bloomington:Indiana University Press,1986; Hayden White,The Practical Past,Evanston:Northwestern University Press,2014。 ⑩王日华：《国际体系与中国古代国家间关系研究》，载《世界经济与政治》2012年第8期，第58-68页；王日华、漆海霞：《春秋战国时期国家间战争相关性统计分析》，载《国际政治研究》2013年第1期，第103-120页。 (11)参见阎学通、徐进编：《中国先秦国家间政治思想选读》，上海：复旦大学出版社2008年版；Yan Xuetong,Ancient Chinese Thought,Modern Chinese Power,New Jersey:Princeton University Press,2011。 (12)参见Amélie Kuhrt,The Ancient Near East,c.3000-330 BC,London and New York:Routledge,1995; Mario Liverani,The Ancient Near East:History,Society and Economy,London and New York:Routledge,2014; Marc Van de Mieroop,A History of the Ancient Near East,ca.3000-323 BC,New York:John Wiley & Sons,2015；拱玉书：《日出东方：苏美尔文明探秘》，昆明：云南人民出版社2001年版。 (13)参见Amnon Altman,Tracing the Earliest Recorded Concepts of International Law:The Ancient Near East(2500-330 BCE),Leiden:Brill,2012; Amanda H.Podany,Brotherhood of Kings:How International Relations Shaped the Ancient Near East,Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press,2010; Mario Liverani,International Relations in the Ancient Near East,1600-1100 BC,Houndmills:Palgrave,2001. (14)Wolfgang Heimpel,Letters to the King of Mari:A New Translation,with Historical Introduction,Notes,and Commentary,Winona Lake:Eisenbrauns,2003; J.M.Munn-Rankin,"Diplomacy in Western Asia in the Early Second Millennium B.C.," Iraq,Vol.18,No.1,1956,pp.68-110. (15)关于阿玛尔纳书信的发现及研究史，见本文下一小节。 (16)活跃于公元前第二千纪中后期位于安纳托利亚东部的政权，其主要语言赫梯语(Hittite)和卢维语(Luwian)为印欧语。 (17)巴比伦地区位于两河流域南部。该历史阶段的巴比伦地区据信由来自伊朗扎格罗斯(Zagros)山脉的凯西特人(Kassites)统治。在阿玛尔纳书信当中巴比伦被称作“  ”。(18)公元前第二千纪中期的王国，鼎盛时期占据叙利亚大部、北部和安纳托利亚南部。主体居民使用胡里安语(Hurrian)，而统治者可能讲一种印欧语。 (19)今塞浦路斯。 (20)目前尚无乌嘉里特国际书信的整体编辑出版。参见PRU(Claude Schaeffer et al,Le Palais royal d'Ugarit Paris:Impr.Nationale,1955- )第三、四、六卷中的相关书信。乌嘉里特的国际书信一般使用阿卡德语。 (21)参见Kenneth Anderson Kitchen and Paul John Nicholas Lawrence,Treaty,Law and Covenant in the Ancient Near East,Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz,2012. (22)Gary M.Beckman,Hittite Diplomatic Texts,Atlanta:Scholars Press,1996；李政：《赫梯条约研究》，北京：中国人民解放军出版社2006年版。 (23)Simo Parpola and Kazuko Watanabe,Neo-kssyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths,Helsinki:Helsinki University Press,1988. (24)Anson F.Rainey,The El-Amarna Correspondence:A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters from the Site of El-Amarna Based on Colletions of All Extant Tablets,Leiden:Brill,2014,pp.37-39. (25)关于阿玛尔纳书信复杂的发表历史，参见Anson F.Rainey,The El-Amarna Correspondence:A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters from the Site of El-Amarna Based on Collations of All Extant Tablets,pp.6-10。目前常用的译本为William L.Moran,The Amarna Letters,Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,1992; Anson F.Rainey的著作附有所有楔形文字文本的拉丁字母转写及评注。 (26)除外交书信外，阿玛尔纳文本还包括文学作品、书吏学徒练习、表单等文件。参见Shlomo Izre'el,Amarna Scholarly Tablets,Groningen:STYX Publications,1997. (27)Mario Liverani,"The Great Power's Club," in Raymond Westbrook and Raymond Cohen,eds.,Amarna Diplomacy:The Beginning of International Relations,pp.15-27; Rodolfo Ragionieri,"The Amarna Age:An International Society in the Making," in Raymond Westbrook and Raymond Cohen,eds.,Amarna Diplomacy:The Beginning of Internationnl Relations,pp.42-53. (28)EA 160:9-19即El Amarna第160篇第9至19行；以此类推。 (29)Van de Mieroop,A History of the Ancient Near East,ca.3000-323 BC,pp.199-00. (30)关于信中被称为胡里亚(Huriya)的法老的具体身份是指阿蒙霍泰普四世(Amenhotep IV)、图坦卡蒙(Tutankhamun)还是斯门卡拉(Smenkhkara)，参见William L.Moran,The Amarna Letters,p.115,n2. (31)此处礼物一词来源于词根  -l-m，本意与“平安”“和平”有关，一般是指用于友好交往的礼物。莫兰(William L.Moran)将该词译为“友好”。关于“礼物”的译法，参见Anson F.Rainey,The El-Amarna Correspondence:A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters from the Site of El-Amarna Based on Collations of All Extant Tablets,p.359; Martha T.Roth,The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary,2011, III:245.(32)在公元前13世纪，法老拉美西斯二世与赫梯国王哈图西里三世(Hattusili III)的和约中声称“自古以来神明就不允许埃及与赫梯之间爆发战争”，但是埃赫那吞之后的图坦卡蒙、后来的塞提一世(Sety I)以及拉美西斯二世本人都曾与赫梯直接对战。双方之间爆发的卡迭石之战是古代西亚北非地区最著名的战役之一。此类追溯古代友好关系的段落只不过是当时国际条约的套话，不一定反映历史现实。参见Gary M.Beckman,Hittite Diplomatic Texts,Atlanta:Scholars Press,p.92。同样，EA 41中苏庇路里乌玛一世也可能只是在使用外交辞令。需要指出的是，苏庇路里乌玛一世并非泛泛提及两个国家自古以来的关系，而是特别提到前任法老本人，在时代上相隔并不远，而且新任法老对于当时的两国关系应该了解，因此他关于二人之间基本友好的描述或许也不会与历史现实差距太大。 (33)Ithamar Singer,"A Concise History of Amurru," in Shlomo Izre'el and Itamar Singer,Amurru Akkadian:A Linguistic Study,Vol.2,Atlanta,Ga.:Scholars Press,1991,p.145. (34)Jacobus van Dijk,"The Amarna Period and the Later New Kingdom(c.1352-1069 BC)," in Ian Shaw,ed.,The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt,Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press,2000,pp.266-270; Nicolas Grimal,A History of Ancient Egypt,Cambridge and MA:Blackwell Publishers Inc.,1994,pp.228-234. (35)Van de Mieroop,A History of the Ancient Near East,ca.3000-323 BC,pp.198-99; Nicolas Grimal,A History of Ancient Egypt,pp.241-244; Bruce G.Trigger et al.,Ancient Egypt:A Social History,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1983,pp.221-222. (36)根据乌嘉里特(Ugarit)文献RS 20.33，驻防阿姆鲁的军官写信给赫梯国王请求支援，信中提到他获取了埃及法老可能会御驾亲征的情报，并以此为理由要求赫梯方面迅速派兵增援(RS 20.33 C 13’-14’)。参见Ithamar Singer,"A Concise History of Amurru," pp.180-183，作者认为这场战役发生于阿姆鲁成为赫梯附庸后。 (37)Steven David,"Realism,Constructivism,and the Amarna Letters," in Raymond Westbrook and Raymond Cohen,eds.,Amarna Diplomacy:The Beginning of International Relations,pp.54-67. (38)关于阿姆鲁的历史，参见Ithamar Singer,"A Concise History of Amurru"; Horst Klengel,Syria,3000 to 300 BC:A Handbook of Political History,Berlin:Akademie Verlag,1992,pp.160-180; Trevor Bryce,Ancient Syria:A Three Thousand Year History,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2014,pp.46-61. (39)苏美尔语楔形文字表意符号写为MAR.TU。 (40)这些操西闪米特语言的部落被称为亚摩利人(Amorites)，希伯来圣经对这些人群也有记载。 (41)Ithamar Singer,"A Concise History of Amurru," p.137. (42)Betsy Bryan,"The 18th Dynasty before the Amarna Period(c.1550-1352 BC)," pp.237-241; Ithamar Singer,"A Concise History of Amurru". (43)后期希腊文献中称为比布洛斯(Byblos)；现称朱拜勒(Jubayl)，位于今天的黎巴嫩。 (44)从公元前第二千纪初期开始，楔形文字文献开始出现关于被称为哈比鲁哈比鲁(Hapiru/Hapiru/Apiru)的人群的记载。在阿玛尔纳书信时期，叙利亚地区存在大量哈比鲁人，他们似乎是一群背井离乡的外来人口，在城邦内部充当劳工，其中一些可能成为了匪徒，侵扰定居城邦的居民，是叙利亚和黎凡特地区城邦的心腹大患。关于哈比鲁人研究的综述，参见N.P.Lemche,"Habiru/Hapiru" in David Noel Freedman,Anchor Bible Dictionary,New York:Doubleday,1992。 (45)Trevor Bryce,Ancient Syria:A Three Thousand Year History,p.49. (46)舍赫拉利可能是侵扰城邦和埃及的“沙苏”(Shasu)群体的一支，见Anson F.Rainey,The El-Amarna Correspondence:A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters from the Site of El-Amarna Based on Collations of All Extant Tablets,p.18. (47)此处的阿姆鲁原文写作复数  Amurru，即“诸阿姆鲁”，表明了阿姆鲁地区在阿布迪·阿西尔塔兴起之前是不同阿姆鲁人部落杂居的地区。(48)记录原文的泥板损毁，经Anson F.Rainey考证，此处可能是“正在图尼普城”。 (49)莫兰(William L.Moran)将这句话译为“赫梯国王已经进入(came into)了阿姆鲁”，也就是说赫梯当时已入侵阿姆鲁。但此处阿卡德语原文为“i-a-la-kà-am”，时态似应为现在/将来时，故此处改为将来时，从雷尼(Anson F.Rainey)译法。根据原文，阿济鲁再次强调担心赫梯会入侵阿姆鲁(EA 166:22-24)，此事仍为将来时。如果当时赫梯已经攻打阿姆鲁，那么EA 166中阿济鲁的说辞就讲不通了。参见William L.Moran,The Amarna Letters; Anson F.Rainey,The El-Amarna Correspondence:A New Edition of the Cuneiform Letters from the Site of El-Amarna Based on Collations of All Extant Tablets. (50)这句话开头为“ki-i la...”，  一词在阿姆鲁寄往埃及的信中只出现了一次，参见John Hayes,"Dialecticai Variation in the Syntax of Coordination and Subordination in Western Akkadian of the El-Amarna Period," UCLA Dissertation,1984,p.179。不同译者对这句话的翻译并不一致。莫兰(William L.Moran)将这句话译为“因为……没有让我(did not let me)……”但这句话的动词“ú-wa- -an-ni”并不是过去时；雷尼(Anson F.Rainey)则将该句译为“但愿(if only)……允许我(would permit me)……”但将“kī lā”译为“但愿”似乎缺乏支持。或许译者将词句理解为誓言，即“我主若不……(则……)”，但下级以上级为主体发誓，应较罕见；海斯(John Hayes)将这句话译为“……怎么能不允许我(how can...not permit me)……”。考虑到阿玛尔纳书信中叙利亚和黎凡特地区的统治者及其书吏的阿卡德语可能受到西北闪米特语言的影响，将kī理解为“怎么”(类比希伯来语中 的用法)似乎有一定根据，故此处采用他的译法。John Hayes,"Dialectical Variation in the Syntax of Coordination and Subordination in Western Akkadian of the El-Amarna Peiod," p.176。此外，因 一般有“如果”之意，故此处也可以翻译成“如果……不允许我……”，在条件句中用lā否定动词符合句法，而条件句中也可以用现在/将来时来表示“意愿”，参考John Huehnergard,A Grammar of Akkadian,Winona Lake:Eisenbrauns,2011,p.160，但这样翻译的主要问题在于条件句的条件部分似乎很少置于结果句之后。(51)Mario Liverani,"Aziru:A Servant of Two Masters",in Mario Liverani,Myth and Politics in Ancient Near Eastern Historiography,Zainab Bahrani and Marc Van De Mieroop,trans.,London:Equinox,2004. (52)此处与EA 41中赫梯国王写给埃及法老的信中描述的和平关系不同，或许与埃及与米坦尼两个大国当时仍有效的结盟关系有关，未必表明当时赫梯与埃及之间发生过直接军事对立。 (53)Gary M.Beckman,Hittite Diplomatic Texts,p.33. (54)Ibid.,p.51. (55)Ithamar Singer,"A Concise History of Amurru," pp.180-183. (56)Treve Bryce,The Kingdom of the Hittites,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2005,p.165. (57)Jared L.Miller,"The Rebellion of Hatti's Syrian Vassals and Egypt's Meddling in Amurru," in Alfonso Archi and Rita Francia,eds.,VI Congresso Internazionale di Ittitologia,Roma,5-9 Settembre 2005,Parte II,SMEA 50,536. (58) 埃琳娜·德维奇(Elena Devecchi)指出，苏庇路里乌玛一世与阿济鲁条约本身的阿卡德语版本存在“笔误”，将与赫梯敌对的米坦尼(此处成为Hurri)写成了Amurru。德维奇认为，这反映了赫梯人内心中深知阿姆鲁曾经是敌人，而此笔误是这种敌意下意识的流露。Elena Devecchi,"Aziru,Servant of Three Masters?," Altorientalische Forschungen,Vol.39,No.1,2012,p.44。有趣的是，在苏庇路里乌玛一世和穆尔西里二世的两份条约中，都是阿卡德语版本透露出阿姆鲁可能曾经与赫梯敌对(因而阿济鲁在给法老的书信中声称的抵抗赫梯可能有现实根据)，这是否与阿姆鲁人懂阿卡德语有关，因而需要指明并给对方以警示？我们无法确定。 (59)穆尔西里二世的兄长阿尔努万达二世(Arnuwand II)是苏庇路里乌玛一世的继任者，但登基一年半左右就去世。因此，穆尔西里二世统治时期距其父统治时期很近，他本人也应该对苏庇路里乌玛一世统治时期的地区政治形势较为了解，不应无故混淆阿济鲁以往的效忠方向。 (60)C.Zaccagnini,"A Note on Hittite International Relations at the Time of Tudhaliya IV," in Fiorella Imparati,ed.,Studi di storia e filologia anatolica dedicati a Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli(Eothen 1),Firenze:Florence,1988,pp.295-299。德维奇反对这种观点，参见Elena Devecchi,"Aziru,Servant of Three Masters?," p.41. (61)Trevor Bryce,Ancient Syria:A Three Thousand Year History,p.172. (62)Ian Shaw,ed.,The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt,pp.289-290. （本文原刊于《阿拉伯世界研究》2017年第4期） (责任编辑：admin) |