|
注释： ①⑥(55)Jacob Viner,“Power versus Plenty as Objectives of Foreign Policy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”,World Politics,Vol.1,No.1(Oct.,1948),p.13,p.6,p.10. ②[美]伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦就认为：“关于‘利润与力量’(profit and power)的真实关系，是当时人们以及当今分析所争论的问题所在”。Immanuel Wallerstein,The Modern World System II:Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-economy 1600-1750,Berkeley:University of California Press,2011,p.38. ③Gustav von Schmoller,The Mercantile System and Its Historical Significance,trans.W.J.Ashley,New York:Macmillan,1896,pp.50～51. ④William Cunningham,The Growth of English Industry and Commerce During the Early and Middle Ages,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1890,p.459,p.594. ⑤Robert B.Ekelund and Robert D.Tollison,Mercantilism as A Rent-Seeking Society:Economic Regulation in Historical Perspective,College Station:Texas A.& M.University Press,1981. ⑦(69)E.E.Rich and Charles Wilson,The Cambridge Economic History of Europe,Vol.4,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1967,p.495,p.573. ⑧阿玛蒂亚·森语，参见Amartya Sen,On Ethics and Economics,Oxford:Basil Blackwell,1987,p.2. ⑨约翰·华兹(John Watts)历史地考察了“commonwealth”的用法，发现这个词语最早于1496年出现在书名当中。从传统看，它被理解为：(1)公共利益(common good)，指在一种理想的人类社会中，财物得到公正与平等的分配，以及保护这些财物免遭外部的劫掠，内部的贪腐以及私人利益的侵占；(2)指共同体及与之相关的习俗。参见：Phil Withington,Society in Early Modern England:the Vernacular Origins of Some Powerful Ideas,Cambridge:Polity,2010,p.139. ⑩Thomas Aquinas,The Summa Contra Gentiles,London:Burns,Oates and Washbourne,1915,p.142. (11)R.H.Tawney,Religion and the Rise of Capitalism,London:John Murray,1936,p.25. (12)圣多玛斯·阿奎那：《神学大全》第4册，中华道明会、碧岳学社2008年版，第17页。 (13)Jack H.Hexter,More's Utopia,The Biography of an Idea,New York:Harper & Row,1965,p.53. (14)Margo Todd,Christian Humanism and the Puritan Social Order, (15)Thomas Starkey,A Dialogue Between Reginald Pole and Thomas Lupset,London:Chatto & Windus,1948,pp.79～82. (16)这里指北方人文主义者或基督教人文主义者，他们与意大利人文主义者在对待战争的态度上截然不同。参见[英]昆廷·斯金纳《现代政治思想的基础》(上卷)，奚瑞森等译，译林出版社2011年版，第九章“人文主义者对人文主义的批评”。 (17)John Colet,An Exposition of St Paul's Epistle to the Romans,trans.J.H.Lupton,London:Bell and Daldy,1873,p.86. (18)[英]托马斯·莫尔：《乌托邦》，戴镏龄译，商务印书馆2010年版，第69、116、67、35页。 (19)保罗·西弗在对清教徒尼西米·沃灵顿进行的个案研究中也发现：在关于经济伦理的所有讨论中，共同体(common-wealth)的概念居于核心地位。参见Paul S.Seaver,Wallington's World:A Puritan Artisan in Seventeenth-Century London,Stanford:Stanford University Press,1985,p.133. (20)(23)Paul S.Seaver,Wallington's World:A Puritan Artisan in Seventeenth-Century London,Stanford:Stanford University Press,1985,p.133,p.129. (21)(22)William Perkins,The Works of William Perkins,Vol.1,London:Iohn Legatt,1626,p.751,p.193. (24)Robert Hill,The Pathway to Prayer and Piety,London,1613,pp.80～83. (25)(33)Paul Slack,“Material Progress and the Challenge of Affluence in Seventeenth-Century England”,The Economic History Review,Vol.62,No.3(Aug.,2009),p.576. (26)Peter Heylyn,Cosmographie in Four Books,London,1652,p.270. (27)据统计，伦敦的人口从1520年的约5.5万人增加到1600年的20万人，1700时更是达到57.5万人。E.A.Wrigley,Energy and the English Industrial Revolution,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2010,p.59. (28)Keith Thomas,Peter Burke,Paul Slack and Brian Harrison,Civil Histories:Essays Presented to Sir Keith Thomas,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2000,p.166. (29)[英]温斯坦莱：《温斯坦莱文选》，任国栋译，商务印书馆2010年版，第181～182页。 (30)[英]詹姆士·哈灵顿：《大洋国》，何新译，商务印书馆1996年版，第10、14页。 (31)Roger Coke,The Grand Concern of England Explained,London,1673,pp.49～55. (32)(77)Paul Slack,The Invention of Improvement:Information and Material Progress in Seventeenth Century England,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2015,p.150,p.53. (34)Laura Caroline Stevenson,Praise and Paradox:Merchants and Craftsmen in Elizabethan Popular Literature,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1985,p.6. (35)转引自[英]伊什特万·洪特、米凯尔·伊格纳季耶夫编《财富与德性——苏格兰启蒙运动中政治经济学的发展》，李大军等译，浙江大学出版社2013年版，第11页。 (36)(40)(51)(63)(78)(88)(92)(97)(99)Thomas Mun,England's Treasure by Foreign Trade,New York:Macmillan & Co.,1895,p.9,p.100,p.24,p.112,pp.26～37,2,p.93,p.14,p.107,p.99. (37)(50)(66)(79)(83)(89)(94)Nicholas Barbon,Nicholas Barbon on A Discourse of Trade,Baltimore:The Lord Baltimore press,1905,pp.9～10,p.16,p.31,p.6,p.31,p.20,p.30. (38)(42)(72)Charles Davenant,The Political and Commercial Works of that celebrated writer Charles Davenant,London,1771,p.13,p.354,p.86. (39)(48)(86)(91)Gerard Malynes,A Treatise of the Canker of England's Commonwealth,London,1601,pp.5～6,pp.5～6,pp.1～2,pp.1～2. (41)(46)(57)(58)William Petty,The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty,Vol.1,Charles Henry Hull ed.,Cambridge:University Press,1899,p.249,pp.259～260,p.278,p.280. (43)Francis Bacon,The New Organon,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000,p.100. (44)(73)Joseph A.Schumpeter,History of Economic Analysis,London:Allen & Unwin,1954,p.342,p.328. (45)(62)Barth Jonathan,“Reconstructing Mercantilism:Consensus and Conflict in British Imperial Economy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”,The William and Mary Quarterly,Vol.73,No.2(April 2016),p.264,p.278. (47)Adam Smith,An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations,Oxford:Clarendon Press,1976,p.429. (49)Thomas Mun,A Discourse of Trade from England unto the East Indies,London,1621,p.26; Josiah Child,A New Discourse of Trade,London,1740,p.164. (52)Dudley North,Discourses upon Trade,London,1691,p.26. (53)Henry Martin,Considerations upon the East India Trade,London:A.& J.Churchill,1701,p.16. (54)(67)John Locke,The Works of John Locke,Vol.4,London,1824,p.13,p.13. (56)据统计，都铎王朝统治时期，英国与其他国家共签订双边或多边条约92项，其中，许多是商业条约。转引自李新宽《国家与市场：英国重商主义时代的历史解读》，中央编译出版社2013年版，第179页。 (59)Samuel Fortrey,England's Interest and Improvement,Cambridge,1663,p.12. (60)(68)(71)Josiah Child,A New Discourse of Trade,London,1740,p.25,p.186,p.124. (61)M.J.Braddick,State Formation in Early Modern England,c.1550～1700,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000,p.67. (64)John Briscoe,A Discourse of Money,London,1696,p.115. (65)Charles Wilson,Profit and Power:a Study of England and the Dutch Wars,Boston:M.Nijhoff,1978,pp.155～156. (70)Edward Misselden,Free Trade,London,1622,dedicatory; Josiah Child,A Treatise Wherein is Demonstrated,London,1681,p.29. (74)Thomas Hobbes,The English Works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury,Vol.4,London:John Bohn,1840,p.53. (75)威尔逊就把重商主义称作“危机经济学”。转引自李新宽《国家与市场：英国重商主义时代的历史解读》，第51页。卡尔·波兰尼也说，“事实上，重商主义是在面对着许多挑战时的一个反应”。[英]卡尔·波兰尼：《剧变：当代政治与经济的起源》，黄树民译，社会科学文献出版社2017年版，第120页。 (76)马格努松认为：“英国重商主义传统中的大多数作者，是依据人与社会的‘物质性’解释展开争论的。这与16世纪流行的态度相反，道德的必要性只被当作背景因素。”此外，他强调重商主义革命最重要的方面在于，“经济必须被视为一个体系。这样，经济便是一个按其特定法则运转的独立领域”。阿普尔比也持同样看法，她认为：“托马斯·孟创造了一个新的范式。将英国的贸易联系从真实的语境中抽象出来，放置在一个思想模型当中……这是经济要素首次地从社会和政治的纠缠中脱离出来。”彼得·科斯洛夫斯基将伦理学和经济学的分离，视为现代机械主义宇宙观的胜利。Lars Magnusson,Mercantilist Economics,London:Kluwer Academic Publishers,1993,p.8; Joyce Oldham Appleby,Economic Thought and Ideology in Seventeenth-century England,p.49；[德]彼得·科斯洛夫斯基：《伦理经济学原理》，孙瑜译，中国社会科学出版社1997年版，第12页。 (80)Henry William Spiegel,The Growth of Economic Thought,Durham:Duke University Press,1983,p.97. (81)John Wheeler,A Treatise of Commerce,Middleburgh:R.Schilders,pp.22～31,pp.59～61. (82)Samuel Fortrey,England's Interest and Improvement,“To the Reader”. (84)Liah Greenfeld,The Spirit of Capitalism:Nationalism and Economic Growth,Cambridge:Harvard University Press,2001,p.42. (85)John Hales,A Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1929,pp.50～51.现在一般认为该书作者为托马斯·史密斯(Thomas Smith)。 (87)Gerard Malynes,England's View in the Unmasking of two Paradoxes,London,1603,pp.118～119. (90)Edward Misselden,Free Trade,London,1651,pp.12～13. (93)Immanuel Wallerstein,The Modern World System II:Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-economy 1600～1750,pp.39～40,p.46. (95)(98)(100)J.R.McCulloch ed.,A Select Collection of Scarce and Valuable Tracts on Commerce,London,1859,p.5,p.13,p.16. (96)(101)John Smith,The Trade and Fishing of Great Britain displayed,London,1661,pp.11～12,pp.12～13. (责任编辑：admin) |