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“训诫”话语与加洛林时代的政治文化(6)

http://www.newdu.com 2017-09-06 《历史研究》 刘寅 参加讨论

    注释:
    ①Francois-Louis Ganshof,Feudalism,trans.Philip Grierson,London:Longmans,1952,pp.15-61;也可参见-Louis Ganshof,The carolingians and the Frankish Monarchy,trans.Janet Sondheimer,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1971.
    ②如Theodor Mayer,"Die Ausbildung der Grundlagen des modernen deutschen Staates im hohen Mittelalter,"Historische Zeitschrift,vol.159,1939,pp.457-487; Heinrich Mitteis,The State in the Middle Ages:A Comparative Constitutional History of Feudal Europe,trans.H.F.Orton,Amsterdam:North-Holland,1975,pp.3-98; Walter Schlesinger."Lordship and Community in Medieval Europe," in Fredric Cheyette,ed.and trans.,Lordship and Community in Medieval Europe:Selected Readings,New York:Holt,Rinehart,and Winston,1968,pp.82-84.
    ③在加洛林时代,vassus或vassallus等通常被译作“封臣”的语汇,并不必然意味着通过某种臣服仪式加以确立的特定政治身份,而是泛指为上级效忠并提供服务的青年人群;beneficium和precaria等通常被理解为“封土”的语汇,则并非特指用来换取封建义务的土地,而是宽泛地指称土地使用权的让渡,是一种被当时的君主、贵族和教会灵活使用的地产处置策略。参见Susan Reynolds,Fiefs and Vassals:The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted,Oxford:Oxford university Press,1994,pp.84-114,特别注意pp.111-112中雷诺兹对冈绍夫的批判,以及p.88中对宪政史学派代表人物海因里希·布鲁纳(Heinrich Brunner)的批判。相关学术背景,参见黄春高:《有关封建主义研究的新动向——苏珊·雷诺兹的<封土与封臣>及其他》,《世界历史》1999年第5期。
    ④相关研究数量庞大,此处仅列出代表性学者的个别代表作品:Janet L.Nelson,"How Carolingians Created Consensus," in Wojciech Falkowski and Yves Sassier,eds.,Le monde carolingien:bilan,perspectives,champs de recherches,Turnhout:Brepols,2010,pp.67-81; Stuart Airlie,"Towards a Carolingian Aristocracy," in Matthias Becher and Jrg Jarnut,eds,.Der Dynastiewechsel von 751:Vorgeschichte,Legitimationsstrategien und Erinnerung,Münster:Scriptorium,2004 ,pp.10-127;理论反思参见Matthew Innes,State and Society in the Early Middle Ages:The Middle Rhine Valley,400-1000,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000,pp.4-12.
    ⑤Karl F.Morrison,The Two Kingdoms:Ecclesiology in Carolingian Political Thought,Princeton:Princeton University Press,1964,p.45.也可参考Walter Ullmann,The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship,London:Methuen,1969,pp.35-124.
    ⑥Mayke de Jong,"Charlemagne's Church," in Joanna Story,ed.,Charlemagne:Empire and Society,Manchester:Manchester University Press,2005,pp.103-135;"Ecclesia and the Early Medieval Polity," in Stuart Airlie,Walter Pohl and Helmut Reimitz,eds.,Staat im frühen Mittelalter,Wie:Verlag der Akademie der Wissenschaften,2006,pp.113-132.
    ⑦“说法”一词是邓小南先生在对宋代“祖宗之法”的研究中发挥的史学概念。在本文看来,这个概念的优势在于,既能把握话语随情势而动、“以言行事”的力量,又能顾及一个成熟的政治文化因扎根于更深的时代思想意识而具有的稳定性和积累性。邓小南:《祖宗之法:北宋前期政治述略》,北京:三联书店,2006年。在已有的加洛林研究中,特别是德语学界,如汉斯维尔纳·格茨对“国”(regnum)、荣格·布施对“职务” (administratio)的考察,都是以政治语言为对象的成功研究。Hans-Werner Goetz,"Regnum:Zum politischen Denken der Karolingerzeit," Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte:Germanistische Abteilung,vol.104,1987,pp.110-189; Jrg W.Busch,Vom Amtswalten zum Knigsdienst:Beobachtungen zur 'Ataatssprache' des Frühmittelalters am Beispiel des Wortes 'administratio',Hannover:Hahnsche,2007.
    ⑧学界尚缺少对这个加洛林政治术语的系统研究,一个仅针对“虔诚者”路易时代的考察,参考Mayke de Jong,The Penitential State:Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious,814-840,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2009,pp.112-142.
    ⑨参见玛里琳·邓恩:《修道主义的兴起:从沙漠教父到中世纪早期》,石敏敏译,北京:中国社会科学出版社,2010年,第135-167页。
    ⑩Timothy Fry,ed.,RB 1980:The Rule of St.Benedict in Latin and English with Notes,Collegeville:The Liturgical Press,1981,Prologue 1.
    (11)"[N]eglegentes et contemnentes ut increpat et corripiat admonemus," in Timothy Fry,ed.,RB 1980:The Rule of St.Benedict in Latin and English with Notes,2.25.《本笃规章》中使用admonere或admonitio的其他地方,见Prologue 9;23.2;33.7;40.9;62.9;65.18;2.27.
    (12)Bruno Judic,Floribert Rommel and Charles Morel,eds.,Règle pastorale,Sources Chrétiennes 381-382,Paris:Editions du Cerf,1992,Tome II,pp.258-267.
    (13)Thomas F.X.Noble,"The Monastic Ideal as a Model for Empire:The Case of Louis the Pious," Revue Běnědictine,vol.86,1976,pp.235-250; Bruno Judic,Floribert Rommel and Charles Morel,eds.,Règle pastorale,Sources Chrétiennes 381-382,Tome I,pp.93-100.
    (14)针对“德意志文献集成”的统计,主要根据布莱波利斯(Brepolis)数据库系统,链接为http://clt.brepolis.net.proxy.library.nd.edu/emgh/Default.aspx,访问时间为2016年8月20日。具体的统计方法是在不同的文献范围内搜索以admonitio或ammonitio为词根的拉丁名词。针对书信的统计文献范围为“书信”(Epistolae)第3分册中加洛林作者的部分与第4-8分册;针对皇家敕令的统计文献范围为“法兰克国王敕令”(Capitularia regum Francorum,共2册)与“法兰克国王敕令新编”(Capitularia regum Francorum,Nova series,共1册);针对主教谕令的统计范围为“主教谕令”(Capitula episcoporum,共4册);针对宗教会议的统计范围为“宗教会议”(concilia)第2-4分册。针对“拉丁教父集成”的统计,主要根据苏黎世大学的数据库,链接为http://www.mlat.uzh.ch/MLS/xanfang.php?corpus=2&lang=0,访问时间为2016年8月20日。具体的统计方法是在750~900年的基督教作家范围内搜索以admonitio或ammonitio为词根的拉丁名词。
    (15)Dhuoda,Handbook for Her Warrior Son:Liber Manualis,ed.and trans.Marcelle Thiebaux,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2007.中文研究参见刘颖、王晋新:《母子、夫妻与家国:多达撰写<人生指南>缘由与心境之探析》,《东北师大学报》2015年第6期。
    (16)参见Paul Edward Dutton,The Politics of Dreaming in the Carolingian Empire,Lincoln:University of Nebraska Press,1994,pp.50-80.
    (17)Jean-Jacques Ampère,Histoire litteraire de la France avant le douzième siècle,vol.e,Paris:Chez L.Hachette,1839-40,pp.31-33.一个较为完整的学术史回顾,参见David Ganz,"Conclusion:Visions of Carolingian Education,Past,Present,and Future," in Richard Sullivan,ed.,The Gentle Voices of Teachers:Aspects of Learning in the Carolingian Age,Columbus:Ohio State University Press,1995,pp.261-283.国内研究参见刘建军:《查理大帝与“加洛林文艺复兴”》,《东北师大学报》2003年第2期。
    (18)John J.Contreni,"The Carolingian Renaissance," in Warren Treadgold,ed.,Renaissances before the Renaissance:Cultural Revivals of Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages,Stanford:Stanford University Press,1984,p.59.
    (19)敕令的拉丁原文编校本,见Alfred Boretius,ed.,Capitularia regum Francorum I,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Leges II,Hannover:Hahnsche,1883; Alfred Boretius and Victor Krause,eds.,Capitularia regum Francorum II,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Leges II,Hannover:Hahnsehe,1890-1897; Gerhard Schmitz,ed.,Capitularia regum Francorum nova series,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Leges III,Hannover:Hahnsche,1996.对加洛林敕令的经典研究,参见Francois-Louis Ganshof,Recherches sur les Capitulaires,Paris:Sirey,1958.使用敕令史料研究加洛林行政,最新成果参见Jennifer R.Davis,Charlemagne's Practice of Empire,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2015.相关中文研究参见赵立行:《查理大帝“法令集”浅析》,《山东社会科学》2008年第11期。
    (20)对敕令意识形态属性的研究,参见Matthew Innes,"Charlemagne,Justice and Written Law," in Alice Rio,ed.,Law Custom and Justice in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages,London:Kings College London,2011,pp.155-203.
    (21)产生于11世纪前的《广训》手抄本,现存超过30部。参见Hubert Mordek,Klaus Zechiel-Eckes and Miehael Glatthaar,eds.,Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui in usum scholarum separatim editi XVI,Hannover:Hahnsche,2012,pp.63-74.本文对《广训》的引用均出自这一校勘本,使用页码和行数标示引文出处,采用Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,P.X,line y这样的缩略格式,即表示引自该校勘本第x页、第y行。
    (22)Thomas F.X.Noble,"From Brigandage to Justice:Charlemagne 785-794," in Celia M.Chazelle,ed.,Literacy,Politics,and Artistic Innovation in the Early Medieval West,Lanham:University Press of America,1993,pp.49-75.
    (23)Rosamond McKitterick,The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms,789-895.London:Royal Historical Society,1977,pp.1-18.
    (24)Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,pp.47-63.
    (25)"Ego Carolus,gratia dei eiusque misericordia donante rex et rector regni Francorum et devotus sanetae ecclesiae defensor humilisque adiutor,omnibus ecclesiasticae pietatis ordinibus seu saecularis potentiae dignitatibus in Christo domino deo aeterno perpetuae pacis et beatitudinis salutem." Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,P.180,lines 1-5.
    (26)Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,p.182,lines 27-35.
    (27)关于《哈德良教令集》,参见Lotte Kéry,Canonical Collections of the Early Middle Ages(ca.400-1140):A Bibliographical Guide to the Manuscripts and Literature,Washington,D.C.:Catholic University of America Press,1999,pp.13-20.
    (28)“Episcopis.Item in eodem concilio,ut episcopus eius ecclesiae curam habeat,ad quam ordinatus est." Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,p.190,lines 87-88.
    (29)"Episcopus ab alia paroecia nequaquam migret ad aliam,nec sponte sua prorsus insiliens nec ui eoactus a populis nec ab episcopis necessitate conpulsus; maneat autem in aecclesia quam primitus a Deo sortitus est nec inde transmigrct,secundum pristinum dc hac re iam terminum constitutum." Cuthbert H.Turner,ed.,Ecclesiae occidentalis monumenta iuris antiquissima:canonum et conciliorum Graecorum interPretationes Latinae,Oxford:Clarendon,1899-1939,vol.2,p.295.
    (30)Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,pp.208 and 210,lines 204-215.
    (31)例如6世纪西班牙教父伊西多礼(Isidore of Seville)的表述:"Dat igitur inde Dominus Moysi legem innocentiae nostrae,et cognitionis suae.Eamdemque in decem verba constituit,et saxeis tabulis digito suo scripsit.Et haec quidem praecepta ita sunt distributa,ut tria pertineant ad dilectionem divinae Trinitatis,septem vero ad amorem fraternum,quibus societas humana non laeditur." Quaestiones in Veterum Testamentum,In Exodum,29:1,in I.P.Migne,ed.,Patrologia Latina,Paris,1841-1855,vol.83,col.301.加洛林释经家对这种说法的继承,参见Hrabanus Maurus,Commentaria in Exodum,II,c.12,in I.P.Migne,ed.,Patrologia Latina,Paris,1841-1855,vol.108,cols.98-100.
    (32)关于“新以色列”,参见Mary Garrison,"The Franks as the New Israel? Education for an Identity from Pippin to Charlemagne," in Yitzhak Hen and Matthew Innes,eds.,The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2000,pp.114-161.加洛林其他立法活动中对旧约的使用,参见Wilfried Hartmann,"Die Karolingische Reform und Die Bibel," Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum,vol.18,1986,pp.58-74.
    (33)"In primis separare VoIumus episcopos,abbates et comites nostros et singulariter illos alloqui." Alfred Boretius,ed.,Capitularia regum Francorurn I,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Leges II,Hannover:Hahnsche,1883,no.71,ch.1,p.161.
    (34)参见Thomas L.Amos,"Preaching and the Sermon in the Carolingian World," in Thomas L.Amos,E.A.Green and B.L.Kienzle,eds.,De Ore Dormini:Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages,Kalamazoo:Medieval Institute,Western Michigan University,1989,PP.41-60.
    (35)"Et non sinatis nova vel non canonica aliquos ex suo sensu et non secundum scripturas sacras fingere et praedicare populo,sed ex vosmetipsi utilia,honesta et recta et quae ad vitam ducunt aeternam praedicate aliosque instruite,ut haec eadem praedicent." Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,p.234,lines 394-398.
    (36)"[U]t et ista et ilia aequali intentione praedieetis.Nec aliquid,quod vestrae sanctitati populo dei utile videatur,amittite,ut pio studio non ammoneatis,quatenus ut et vestra sollertia et subiectorum oboedientia aeterna felicitate ab omnipotente deo remuneretur." Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,p.184,lines 38-41.
    (37)“Pax praedicantibus,gratia oboedientibus,gloria domino nostro Iesu Christo.Amen." Die Admonitio generalis Karls des Groβen,p.238,lines 436-437.包括《广训》在内的加洛林敕令的“布道”属性,参见Thomas Martin Buck,Admonitio und Praedicatio.Zur religios-pastoralen Dimension von Kapitularien und kapitulariennahen Texten(507-814),New York:Peter Lang,1997.
    (38)Alfred Boretius,ed.,Capitularia regum Francorum I,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Leges II,Hannover:Hahnsche,1883,no.150,ch.3,p.303.
    (39)本文对《宫廷治理》的引用全部出自“德意志文献集成”中的拉丁校勘本,Thomas Gross and Rudolf Schieffer,eds.,De Ordine Palatii,in Monurnenta Germaniae Historica,Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui in usum schogarum separatim editi III,Hannover:Hahnsche,1980.这个校勘本基于的是该文献现存唯一的抄本,其中没有对《宫廷治理》做章节划分。更早的校勘本,见Maurice Prou,ed.,De Ordine Palatii:texte Latin,traduit et annoté,Paris:Vieweg,1885.这个版本基于的是一个现已佚亡的17世纪抄本,其中将《宫廷治理》划分成了37章。这种章节划分被保留在“德意志文献集成”的页边。本文将同时使用行数和章节号来标示引文出处,采用De Ordine Palatii,ch X,line Y这样的缩略格式,即表示引自第x章、第y行。
    (40)关于辛克马尔,最详尽的研究是Jean Devisse,Hincmar,Archevêque de Reims 845-882,3 vols,(Geènve:Droz,1977.最新研究参见Rachel Stone and Charles West,eds.,Hincmar of Rheims:Life and Work,Manchester:Manchester University Press,2015,pp.1-43.
    (41)"[A]d institutionem istius iuvenis et moderni regis nostri et ad reerectionem honoris et pacis ecclesiae ac regni ordinem ecclesiasticum et dispositionem domus regiae in sacro palatio…" De ordine Palatii,ch.1,lines 16-19.
    (42)The Annals of St-Bertin,trans.Janet L.Nelson,Manchester:Manchester University Press,1991,pp.223-226.可对比另一部年鉴中更详细的记载:Bernhard von Simson,ed.,Annales Vedastini,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi XII,Hannover:Hahnsche,1909,pp.51-53.
    (43)De Ordine Palatii,ch.1,lines 20-22.
    (44)De Ordine Palatii,ch.12,lines 218-223.
    (45)参见Maurice Prou,ed.,De Ordine Palatii:texte Latin,traduit et annoté,PP.v-viii.
    (46)"[A]d regem Karolomannum adolescentem et ad episcopos admonitionem disponendo regali ministerio per capitula." Martina Stratmann,ed.,Flodoard von Reims,Die Geschichte der Reimser Kirche,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Scriptores XXXVI,Hannover:Hahnsche,1998,lib.III,ch.19,p.262.
    (47)"Pro aetatis et sacri ordinis antiquitate posteriores tempore,boni et sapientes viri, rogatis exiguitatem meam…" De Ordie Palatii,ch.1,lines 6-7.
    (48)De Ordine Palatii,ch.1,line 12.
    (49)"Ego autem et pro imposito ministerio et pro bona et rationabili vestra iussione aggrediar exequi,quod rogatis,non meo sensu neque verbis meis,sed,ut praemisi,maiorum traditione,attendens dicentem Dominum ad prophetam:Tu autem audiens nuntiabis eis ex me." De Ordine Palatii,ch.3,lines 43-46.
    (50)De Ordine Palatii,ch.5,lines 100-106.
    (51)De Ordine Palatii,ch.2,lines 30-38.
    (52)De Ordine Palatii,ch.4,lines 60-63.
    (53)参见Eric Miller,"The Political Significance of Christ's Kingship in the Biblical Exegesis of Hrabanus Maurus and Angelomus of Luxeuil," in Claudio Leonardi and Giovanni 0rlandi,eds.,Biblical Studies in the Early Middle Ages,Firenze:Società Internazionale per lo Studio del Medioevo Latino,2005,pp.193-213.
    (54)De Ordine Palatii,ch.5,lines 84-89.
    (55)De Ordine Palatii,ch.5,lines 106-112.
    (56)“Episcopi namque secundum illorum ministerium ac sacram auctoritatem uniti sint et mutuo consilio atque auxilio reges regnorumque primores atque populum sibi commissum in domino regant et corrigant." Wilfried Hartmann,ed.,Concilium Savonnières,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Concilia III,Hannover:Hahnsche,1984,ch.2,p.458,line 17.
    (57)De Ordine Palatii,ch.6,lines 113-119.
    (58)De Ordine Palatii,ch.5,lines 91-100.
    (59)De Ordine Palatii,ch.5,lines 100-112; ch.6,lines 113-117; ch.10,lines 182-203.《尘世十二弊》的拉丁校勘本,参见Pseudo-Cyprianus,De XII Abusivis Saeculi,ed.Siegmund Hellmann,Leipzig:J.C.Hinrichs,1909,pp.1-61.十二项流弊包括:无功业的智者(sapiens sine operibus)、无宗教的老人(senex sine religione)、不服从的青年(adolescens sine oboedientia)、不施舍的富人(dives sine elemosyna)、不端庄的女人(femina sine pudicitia)、无力的统治者(dominus sine virtute)、慕恋尘世的基督徒(Christianius contentiosus)、傲慢的穷人(pauper superbus)、不义的君主(rex iniquus)、渎职的主教(episcopus neglegens)、缺乏惩戒的国度(plebs sine disciplina)、无律法的人民(populus sine lege)。该作品在9世纪法兰克地区有多个抄本,具体参见Rob Meens,"Politics,Mirrors of Princes and the Bible:Sins,Kings and the Well-Being of the Realm," Early Medieval Europe,vol.7,no.3,1998,p.353.
    (60)"Et sciat,quod,sicut in principatu hominum primus constitutus est,ita,quoscunque peccatores sub se in praesenti habuit,nisi se et illos correxerit,supra se modo plagali in illa futura poena habebit." De Ordine Palatii,ch 10,lines 200-203.对比Pseudo-Cyprianus,De XII Abusivis Saeculi,p.53.
    (61)《宫廷治理》对ministerium一词的使用,参见Thomas Gross and Rudolf Schieffer,eds.,De Ordine Palatii,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui in usum scholarum separatim editi III,p.110.
    (62)辛克马尔关于“法”的思想,参见Janet L.Nelson," Kingship,Law and Liturgy in the Political Thought of Hincmar of Rheims," The English Historical Review,vol.92,1977,pp.241-279.
    (63)A.Dubereucq,ed.,Le Métier De Roi,Sources Chrétiennes 407,Paris:Editions du Cerf,1995,pp.150-152.
    (64)参见Epistola Synodi Carisiacensis ad Hludowicum Regem Germaniae Directa,in Alfred Boretius and Victor Krause,eds.,Capitularia regum Francorum II,in Monumenta Germaniae Historica,Leges II,Hannover:Hahnsche,1890-1897,PP.428-441; Ad Episcopos Regni,in I.P.Migne,ed.,Patrologia Latina,Paris,1841-1855,vol.125,cols.1007-1018; Capitula of the Synod of Fismes,in I.P.Migne,ed.,Patrologia Latina,Paris,1841-1855,vol.125,cols.1069-1086; Epistola XIX,in I.P.Migne,ed.,Patrologia Latina,Paris,1841-1855,vol.126,cols.110-117; Epistola XX,in I.P.Migne,ed.,Patrologia Latina,Paris,1841-1855,vol.126,cols.117-122.
    (65)邓小南先生在讨论北宋政治中的“祖宗之法”时表示:“有关‘祖宗之法’的说法,充斥于赵宋朝廷的话语体系,某种意义上形成了一种‘套话’。其年年讲月月讲,创生了一种特殊的言论氛围。所谓‘套话’,无疑是脱离社会真实的。但我们也不禁要问,在当时为什么会生成这样的套话?套话通常反映着特定时代政治上的主导趋向、主流话语,它使研究者得以清楚地感受到当时的政治文化氛围与政治生态环境。”(参见邓小南:《祖宗之法:北宋前期政治述略》,第533-534页)这个判断同样适用于本文考察的加洛林政治语言。
    (66)Henri-Xavier Arquillière,L'augustinisme politique:Essai sur la formation des théories politiques du Moyen Age,Paris:J.Vrin,1955.
    (67)相关讨论参见Gerd Tellenbach,The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth Century,trans.Timothy Reuter,New York:Cambridge University Press,1993.“政治奥古斯丁主义”命题的接受史,参见Michael J.s.Bruno,Political Augustinianism:Modern Inter pretations of Augustine's Political Thought,Minneapolis:Fortress Press,2014,pp.63-118.
    (68)艾因哈德:《查理大帝传》,戚国淦译,北京:商务印书馆,1979年,第27页。
      (本文刊于《历史研究》2017年第1期) (责任编辑:admin)
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