（36）Erika Lee,At America's Gates:Chinese Exclusion during the Exclusion Era,1882-1943,Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2003,especially pp.1-18,19-74,173-187.
    （37）John Kuo Wei Tchen,New York before Chinatown:Orientalism and the Shaping of American Culture,1776-1882,Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,1999,pp.xx-xxiii,4-6,20-26,38-39,67-70,95-96,103-106,116-120,188-195,221-222.
    （38）Ngai,"Asian American History-Reflections on the De-centering of the Field," p.99.
    （39）Alexander Saxton,The Indispensable Enemy,Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California,Berkeley and Los Angeles:University of California Press,1971.
    （40）不言而喻，亚裔美国史学中的新气象并不止于“跨国主义”和“散居”的历史观以及重新界定黑人、白人和亚裔之间的三角关系。但我认为这两个表述是近15年来这个学术领域中最有意义的史学观点。
    （41）参见Michael Omi and Dana Y.Takagi,"Situating Asian Americans in the Political Discourse on Affirmative Action," pp.155-156。
    （42）Claire Jean Kim,Bitter Fruit:The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City,New Haven:Yale University Press,2000,especially pp.1-108.
    （43）Scott Kurashige,The Shifting Grounds of Race,Black and Japanese Americans in the Making of Multiethnic Los Angeles,Princeton:Princeton University Press,2008,especially pp.1-12,13-35,108-157,186-231.
    （44）参见Arnold Shankman,"Black on Yellow:Afro-Americans View Chinese-Americans,1850-1935," Phylon,The Atlanta University Review of Race and Culture,Vol.XXXIX,No.1（Spring 1978），pp.1-17。
    （45）参见Yong Chen,Chinese San Francisco,1850-1943,A Trans-Pacific Community,Stanford:Stanford University Press,2000,p.146,199-200。
    （46）艾斯皮瑞杜在书中描述了五位旅美的菲律宾知识分子的心路历程，发现这些人实际上被夹在两种热爱和两个家园之间。一方面，美国给他们提供了物质上的享受、思想上的挑战和精神上的安慰，另一方面，故国菲律宾仍然博得他们的忠诚，令他们时刻想起值得珍惜的往事。他们在两种语言和两种世界观之间的徘徊导致了“被分裂的忠诚”。艾斯皮瑞杜认为，菲律宾和其他亚裔美国知识分子的思想史既是民族的，同时也是跨国的。参见Augusto Fauni Espiritu,Five Faces of Exile,The Nation and Filipino American Intellectuals,Stanford:Stanford University Press,2005。
    （47）Sucheng Chan,This Bitter-Sweet Soil,The Chinese in California Agriculture,1860-1910,Berkeley & Los Angeles:University of California Press,1986,p.xx.
    （48）参见K.Scott Wong and Sucheng Chan eds.,Claiming America,Constructing Chinese American Identities during the Exclusion Era,Philadelphia:Temple University Press,1998,p.x。
    （49）Madeline Hsu,Dreaming of Gold,Dreaming of Home:Transnationalism and Migration between the United States and South China,1882-1943,Stanford:Stanford University Press,2000,especially pp.1-54,pp.88-89,90-123,176-178.麦德琳·徐在书中指出，她不愿意使用“散居”一词来形容台山的海外移民，因为它不适用于二战以后的情况。然而她却几度使用"dispersion"一词，如“A Community in Dispersion”和“the physically dispersed community of Taishan”。参见Hsu,Dreaming of Gold,Dreaming of Home,p.124。不过在我看来，“dispersion”和“diaspora”这两个词是可以通用的。
    （50）Yong Chen,Chinese San Francisco,especially pp.7-10,145-238.
    （51）参见Eiichiro Azuma,Between Two Empires:Race,History,and Transnationalism in Japanese America,New York:Oxford University Press,2005,pp.91-110; Brian Masaru Hayashi,Democratizing The Enemy:The Japanese American Internment,Princeton:Princeton University Press,2004,pp.49-50。
    （52）参见Eiichiro Azuma,"'Pioneers of Overseas Japanese Development':Japanese American History and the Making of Expansionist Orthodoxy in Imperial Japan," The Journal of Asian Studies,Vol.67,No.4（November 2008），pp.1193-1194。
    （53）以上讨论及引文均见Azuma，" 'Pioneers of Overseas Japanese Development'，"pp.1195,1208-1213,1216-1219。
    （54）Takaki,Strangers from a Different Shore,pp.384-385,399-403.
    （55）Hayashi,Democratizing the Enemy,pp.1-11,40-75,79-80,82-83,121.
    （56）Eiichiro Azuma,"From Civil Rights to Human Rights:Reinterpreting the Japanese American Internment in an International Context,"Reviews in American History,Vol.33,No.1（March 2005），p.105.
    （57）Haiming Liu,"Transnational Historiography," p.142.