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[2] 参见，王向明：“美国宪法的稳定性和特点”，载《政治与法律》1988年第2期；刘一纯：“美国宪法稳定性的反思”，载《湖北大学学报（哲学社会科学版）》2002年第6期；孔庆山：“简论美国宪法的超稳定机制”，载《渤海大学学报（哲学社会科学版）》2004年第5期；梁敏、吕文江：“稳定的宪法与妥协的宪法-以美国宪法为例”，载《山东社会科学》2006年第2期；江振春：“模糊语言学视角下的美国宪法稳定性”， 载《学术界》2007年第4期。 [3] See Bruce Ackerman, The Future of Liberal Revolution, Yale University Press, 1992, P16 :“The longevity of the Constitution is often seen as testimony to the stability of American society-but mistakenly so. Modern Americans tell themselves stories that assert the deep continuity of two centuries of constitutional practice, narratives that thoroughly enmesh today‘s events in a web of constitutional reference stretching back two hundred years to the Founding. While the French have run through five republics since 1789, we have lived in only one.” ; David Barrows, “The Constitution as an Element of Stability in American Life”, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 185, pp1-10 （1936）。 [4] 比如拉美国家就试图通过移植美国宪法来造就国家稳定和富强，虽然最终归于失败。其中，关于墨西哥的讨论，See Alexis Tocqueville, Decmocracy in America, Mansfield and Winthrop trans., University of Chicago Press, 2000. [5] See e.g., Morton Keller, America’s Three Regimes, Oxford University Press, 2007. [6] 但近来新的研究展示光荣革命才是现代革命的起源，并且光荣革命是一次真正的革命。See Steve Pincus, 1688: the First Modern Revolution, Yale Universtity Press, 2009. [7] 比如在拉美的很多国家，每一次总统大选都变成潜在的革命。See Juan Linz, The Failure of Presidential Democracy: Comparative perspectives, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994. [8] See Hannah Arendt, On Revolution, Penguin Books, 1977, P139: “When they declared their independence from this government, and after they had foresworn their allegiance to the crown, the main question for them was not how to limit power but how to establish it, not how to limit government but how to found a new one.” [9] See Paul Kahn, Putting Liberalism in its Place, Princeton University Press, 2005, P265: “For the modern state, the act that brings it into existence is revolution.” [10] 关于“政治想象”的概念，See Charles Taylor, Modern Social Imaginaries, Duke University Press, 2004. [11] 近来国内学界对于美国司法审查的讨论已经开始转向司法与政治的关系问题。讨论美国司法审查的多数主义问题即是一个例子，参见何海波，“多数主义的法院”，载《清华法学》2009年第6期。该讨论虽然抓住了重点的事物，但却没有抓住事物的重点。 [12] 关于“政治-法律”视角，See Larry Kramer, The People Themselves: Popular Constitutionalism and Judicial Review, Oxford Universtity Press, 2004, P24. 中译本参见，克莱默：《人民自己》，田雷译，译林出版社2010年版，即出。 [13] See Hannah Arendt, On Revolution, Penguin Books, 1977, P 171. [14] See Edmond Morgan, “The Second American Revolution,” The New York Rreview of Books, 6.25.1992; Charles Beard, The Economic Origin of the American Constitution, Courier Dover Publications, 2004. [15] See Gordon Wood, The Radicalism of the American Revolution, Vintage, 1993. [16] See e.g., Susan Dunn, Sister Revolutions: French Lightning, American Light, Macmillan, 2000. [17] See e.g., Gary Nash, The Unknown American Revolution : The Unruly Birth of Democracy and the Struggle to Create Amerca, Penguin Group, 2004. [18] See Abraham Lincoln, “Speech in Independence Hall, Feb. 22 1861”, in Abraham Lincoln, Slavery, and the Civil War: Selected Writings and Speeches, M. Johnson ed., 2001, P107. [19] Emory Thomas, The Confederacy as a Revolutionary Experience, Univ. of South Carolina Press, 1991; George Rable, The Confederate Republic: A Revolution against Politics, Univ. Of North Carolina Press, 1994. [20] See e.g., Catherine Bowen, Miracle at Philadelphia, Little Brown, 1966. [21] See The Articles of Confederation （1781）， XIII: “And that the Articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the Union shall be perpetual.” [22] See Bruce Ackerman, “Revolution on a Human Scale”, 108 Yale L.J. P2279-2349. [23] See Paul Kahn, Sacred Violence: Torture, Terror and Sovereignty University of Michigan Press, 2008, P123-124. [24] See Susan Dunn, Jefferson‘s Second Revolution, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2004. 如果能够比较一下美国的二次革命和中国的二次革命，比较孙中山和杰弗逊的革命行动，会是一项非常有意思的研究。 [25] 在美国宪政史的研究中，1800年被严重低估了。就连美国学界也是如此：对于1800年以及美利坚共和国早期宪政的研究也是最近几年才开始变成热门题目。See Jeffrey L. Pasley, et al., eds., ed., Beyond the Founders: New Approaches to the Political History of the Early American Republic.Ferling, John , The University of North Carolina Press, 2004; John Ferling, Adams vs. Jefferson: The Tumultuous Election of 1800, Oxford University Press, 2004; Edward Larson, A Magnificent Catastrophe: the Tumultuous Election of 1800, America’s First Presidential Campaign, Free Press, 2007. [26] 阿克曼教授认为，美国在建国初期的二十年内差点就有了三部宪法，跟法国历史上的宪法变动也差不多。See Bruce Ackerman, The Future of Liberal Revolution, Yale University Press, 1992, P4. [27] 按1787年宪法规定，每位总统选举人投下两张总统选票，得票最高者当选总统，次者为副总统。民主共和党原本计划让一名选举人将其中一票弃权，只投一票给杰斐逊，这样可以使得杰斐逊比伯尔多得一票，使他们分别成为总统与副总统。 但实际上，所有选举人都投下了两张选票，导致两人同获73张选举人票。宪法条文上的解决方案是，众议院从二人中选出总统来。但当时的众议院由联邦党人所控 制，他们大多不愿选择杰斐逊，而宁愿推举伯尔。因此众议院投票陷入僵局，投票进行了35轮之后仍然未能选出总统。在联邦党人亚历山大·汉密尔顿的游说下，在第36轮投票中部分联邦党人改变了主意，才将杰斐逊送上总统宝座。 |