(14)M17-5-Investment in People—The Story of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, Chap. 5, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 70, p.108.
    (15)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.59; M12-4-Gill, Syphilis in the Rural Negro-Results of a Study in Alabama, 1931, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2，Folder 65.六个实验地分别为：Scott County, Mississippi; Tipton County, Tennessee; Glynn County, Georgia; Macon County, Alabama; Pitt County, North Carolina; Albemarle County, Virginia.其中只有梅肯县的计划没有受到罗氏基金会停止奥援的影响，继续进行达40年之久。
    (16)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.67.
    (17)Wyndham D. Miles, ed., Wyndham Miles NIH Oral History Collection, Box 3, Folder 18-19, John Heller, NCI(transcript), October 26, 1964,p.6.
    (18)"H. L. Harris's Memo to Michael M. Davis," May 13, 1930, United States Public Health Service Division of Venereal Diseases, Records Group 90(1918-1936), National Archives, Washington National Record Center, Suitland, MD(以下简称USPHSNA),Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County; M33-6-Memo & Attachments from H. L. Harris 1930, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 21.
    (19)"H. L. Harris's Memo to Michael M. Davis," May 13, 1930, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County.
    (20)"Oliver Clarence Wenger to T. Clark," May 17, 1930, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder2, Macon County.
    (21)"H. L. Harris's Memo to Michael M. Davis," October 1, 1931, USPHS-NA.
    (22)Charles S. Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934.
    (23)M33-12-Letters, T. Clark to Michael M. Davis, Michael M. Davis to Rosenwald, 1930, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 22; M33-14-Letters, Clark to Michael M. Davis on Estimates for the Continuation of Syphilis Control Projects in Alabama, Miss., etc., 1932-1933, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 33; Michael M. Davis to Dr. Cumming, 1934, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 34; M33-11-Letters, T. Clark to Michael M. Davis on Cooperative Syphilis Control Demonstration, Enclosure Field Form, 1939, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2，Folder 35.克拉克对董事会的决定表示失望，曾经私下劝说戴维斯缩减罗氏基金会对教育的补助，转而支持医疗照顾相关计划。
    (24)Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, p. 99; M12-2-Oliver Clarence Wenger & Ricks, The Public Health Aspects of Syphilis in the Negro Race in Certain Southern States, 1931, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box2, Folder 64.
    (25)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to T. Clark," April 8, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder2, Macon County.
    (26)Molly Ladd-Taylor, Mother-Work: Women, Child Welfare, and the State, 1890-1930, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994, p. 2.
    (27)Margaret Humphreys, Yellow Fever and the South, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1992; John Duffy, "Social Impact of Disease in the Late 19th Century," in Judith W. Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, eds., Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985, pp. 414-421; John H. Ellis, Yellow Fever and Public Health in the New South, Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1992, p. 166; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth Century South, Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987; Eugene Kinckle Jones, "The Negro's Struggle for Health," in National Conference of Social Work, ed., Proceedings of the National Conference of Social Work, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923, p. 72; Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995, p.35.
    (28)Thomas Parran, Shadow on the Land: Syphilis, New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1937,p.83.
    (29)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.64.
    (30)M25-16-Discussion of Treatment of Late Syphilis, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder39.根据该数据显示，1930年4月1日至1931年8月31日，使用新砷凡纳明共5588颗，含水银药剂共74271剂，其他相关治疗擦剂有9000多支。
    (31)Charles S. Johnson, Shadow o f the Plantation, pp. 202-205.
    (32)Deadly Deception Interview—Herman Shaw, Box 5, Folder 19, Nova—Tuskegee SR17, Herman Shaw Interview, USPHS-TU, pp. 36-38.
    (33)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p. 66.
    (34)W. E. B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study, New York: Schocken Books, 1967, pp. 113-114, 162.
    (35)Barbara Bates, Bargaining for Life: Social History of Tuberculosis, 1876-1938, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992, p. 293.
    (36)Barbara Bates, Bargaining for Life: Social History of Tuberculosis, 1876-1938;Sheila M. Rothman, Living in the Shadow of Death: Tuberculosis and the Social Experience of Illness in American History, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995; Georgina D. Feldberg, Disease and Class: Tuberculosis and the Shaping of Modern North American Society, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1995, p. 292.
    (37)Susan M. Reverby, Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy, p.33.
    (38)Eugene P. Link, "The Civic Rights Activities of Three Great Negro Physicians(1840-1940),"Journal of Negro History, vol. 52, no.3(July 1969), p.177; Vanessa Northington Gamble, "Under the Shadow of Tuskegee: African Americans and Health Care," in Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, pp. 432-433;Gladys-Marie Fry, Night Riders in Black Folk History, Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984, p. 171.
    (39)D. C. Humphrey, "Dissection and Discrimination: The Social Origins of Cadavers in America, 1760-1915," Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, vol.49, no. 9, 1973, pp. 822-823.
    (40)Stewart Culin, "Concerning Negro Sorcery in the United States," Journal of American Folklore, vol.3, no.11,(October-December 1890), p.285.