(41)Deadly Deception Interview—Stanley Schuman, Box 5, Folder 17, Nova—Tuskegee SR32, Stanley Schuman Interview, USPHS-TU, p. 30; Deadly Deception Interview—Herman Shaw, Box 5, Folder 19, Nova—Tuskegee SR 17, Herman Shaw Interview, USPHS-TU, pp. 10-11. (42)Thomas Parran, Shadow on the Land: Syphilis, pp. 164-165. (43)Thomas Monroe Campbell, The Movable School Goes to the Negro Farmer, New York: Arno Press, 1969, pp. 118, 121, 126, 145; Hildrus A. Poindexter, "Special Health Problems of Negroes in Rural Areas," Journal of Negro Education, vol. 6, no. 3(July 1937), pp. 400, 403, 412. (44)Ruth Edmonds Hill, ed., The Black Women Oral History Project, vol. 10, Eunice Rivers Laurie, Interview, Westport, CT: Meckler, 1991, p. 234. (45)T. Clark, The Control of Syphilis in Southern Rural Areas: A Study, Chicago: Julius Rosenwald Fund, 1932, pp. 24-26, 36. (46)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to T. Clark," January 28, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County. (47)Charles S. Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation, p. 202. (48)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, pp. 5-6. (49)Deadly Deception Interview—Charles Pollard, Box 5, Folder 15, Nova—Tuskegee SR8, Charles Pollard Interview, USPHS-TU, pp. 4-5,6. (50)"R. A. Vonderlehr to Taliaferro Clark," April 8, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder2, Macon County. (51)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to T. Clark," January 28, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County; "Raymond A. Vonderlehr to T. Clark," January 22, 1933, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 2, Macon County. (52)"‘Patient X,’ Auburn, Alabama, to the PHS," June 4,1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 3, Macon County; "Raymond A. Vonderlehr to Patient X," June 7,1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 3, Macon County. (53)"Raymond A. Vonderlehr to John R. Heller, Jr.," February 13, 1934, USPHS-NA, Box 239, Folder 4, Macon County. (54)"Norris to Russell," March 18, 1938, Box 7, Folder General Correspondence 1937 and 1938, CDC-GA, in Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, p.58. (55)原为琼斯访问芮佛丝的录音资料,琼斯并没有公开该项资料。引自James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.165. (56)医生苏曼在口述历史中表示并不记得有任何个案因为得了坏血病而要求治疗。黑人关切坏血病是他们认为坏血病可能造成性无能,而非担心坏血病对生命的威胁。他们相信透过补充铁剂有助于增加性能力,所以他们期望透过验血获得铁剂。Deadly Deception Interview—Herman Shaw, Box 5, Folder 19, Nova—Tuskegee SR 17, Herman Shaw Interview, USPHS-TU, p.36; Deadly Deception Interview—Charles Pollard, Box 5, Folder15, Nova—Tuskegee SR 8, Charles Pollard Interview, USPHS-TU, p.4. (57)在公共卫生署的医生、塔斯克基的卫生官员和州县的地方卫生官员的信件往返中都可以看出,即使是非常有限的情况下,在这个计划进行的第一年,或多或少都有提供治疗。可参考James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment; USPHSNA档案. (58)Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950, p.112; Susan L. Smith, "Neither Victim nor Villain: Eunice Rivers and Public Health Work," pp. 348-364. (59)Susan M. Reverby, Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy, p.116. (60)Thomas W. Murrell, "Syphilis in the Negro: Its Bearing on the Race Problem," American Journal of Dermatology and Genito-Urinary Diseases, vol. 10(August1906), p. 307. (61)James T. Wooten, "Survivor of '32 Syphilis Study Recalls a Diagnosis," New York Times, July 27, 1972, p.18. (62)Deadly Deception Interview—Charles Pollard, Box 5, Folder 15, Nova—Tuskegee SR8,Charles Pollard Interview, USPHS-TU, pp. 10-11, 22, 27.根据萧敖记忆所及,检查的项目有眼科检查、血压、抽血,他并没有到过医院进行检查,约每四年一次。最后一次例行性的检查包括牙齿、眼睛、神经系统和骨骼。 (63)M33-23-Report on Macon County Demo(By Charles S. Johnson), TSSAAP, SeriesⅢ, Box 2,Folder 37. (64)Charles S. Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation, pp. 201-203. (65)Harold Edgar, "Outside the Community," Hastings Center Report, vol. 22, no. 6(November/December 1992), pp. 32-35. (66)Austin V. Deibert and Martha C. Bruyere, "Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro: Ⅲ. Evidence of Cardiovascular Abnormalities and Other Forms of Morbidity," Journal of Venereal Disease Information, vol.27(December 1946), p. 303; Pasquale J. Pesare, Theodore J. Bauer and Geraldine A. Gleeson, "Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro: Observation of Abnormalities Over Sixteen Years," American Journal of Syphilis, Gonorrhea, and Venereal Diseases, vol. 34, no. 3(May 1950), pp. 201-213; Stanley H. Schuman et al., "Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro: Background and Current Status of Patients in the Tuskegee Study," Journal of Chronic Diseases, vol. 2, no. 5(November 1955), p. 544. (67)Stanley H. Schuman et al., "Untreated Syphilis in the Male Negro: Background and Current Status of Patients in the Tuskegee Study," pp. 546-547. (68)M59-4 Transcript of Proceedings—DHEW, Office of the Secretary—Charge One Subcommittee—Tuskegee Study Ad Hoc Advisory Panel(interviews), February 3, 1973, TSSAAP, Series Ⅱ, Box 2, Folder 14∶67, 108-109. (69)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p. 100. (70)M33-5-Memo, T. Clark to Dr. Michael M. Davis on Oliver Clarence Wenger's Interview with Dr. Moton, 1930, TSSAAP, Series Ⅲ, Box 2, Folder 20; Susan M. Reverby, Examining Tuskegee: The Infamous Syphilis Study and Its Legacy, p. 97; Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment," in Susan M. Reverby, ed., Tuskegee's Truths: Rethinking the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, p. 24. (71)James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, p.208.
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